New Roman Catholic Evangelism

My last post was to make folks aware of Michael Horton's forthcoming book Christless Christianity. I believe this will be an important book for evangelical churches. This post is about another forthcoming book that I am not excited about. One that Horton's book should be in opposition to. I'm talking about Frank Beckwith's Return to Rome: Confessions of an Evangelical Catholic (RtR) which is set to be published in November 2008.

The publisher of RtR, BrazosPress, has released some endorsements for the book. To my surprise there are some protestants endorsing the book. Should I be surprised? Protestants are endorsing a book about someone leaving the protestant church and becoming Roman Catholic. Yeah, I'm at least a little surprised. I want to take a look at the endorsements and make a few observations. I will be pulling the quotes from the book's page on BrazosPress.

Description and Tagline

First, in the books description we read the following sentence.

In 2007, after much prayer, counsel, and consideration, Beckwith decided to return to the Roman Catholic church and step down as ETS president.

Some may say this is being nit-picky, but Beckwith resigned only after returning to Rome. The offical ETS letter states as follows.

On May 5, 2007, Dr. Frank Beckwith resigned as President of the Evangelical Theological Society. This resignation has come as a result of his decision to be received into full communion in the Roman Catholic Church, which he did on April 29, 2007.(Source)

I'm sure this wasn't an easy decision, however, a version of this statement is right on the cover of the book. This makes it look like he was just some fully dedicated Five Solas guy who Rome just swept away. It's used as a teaser line to help sell the book. I think it would have been proper to resign first and then submit to the Papacy. Especially, after four months of studying some of the issues, would another month or two really have hurt? Can you imagine if Obama's campaign manager started studying and considering Republican positions, then, registering as a Republican in Sept. and then giving Obama his resignation in Oct.? Would that be morally acceptable to most Americans?

Protestant and Catholic Endorsements

Now I'd like to take a look at the endorsements which come from the same source linked above. The endorsements are from Catholics and Protestants alike. The best I can tell the protestants are Moreland, Yamauchi, Wood and Bauman. While the Catholics are Hittinger, Tacelli, Hahn, Mills, Chaput, Neuhaus and Budziszewski. I'm sure someone will correct me if I misplaced someone. As you read the endorsements you can see the differences of how this book is received between the Catholics and Protestants.

The Protestant endorsements basically say this move to Rome by Beckwith is no big deal. Moreland starts us off by what seems to me as shrugging off this book as an "advance" for dialog. The attitude seems to be an "I'm okay, you're okay" position. Which is framed as "I'm an 'Evangelical Protestant', you're an 'Evangelical Catholic'" where there are "important" differences with "key areas of agreement." Yamauchi who doesn't really say much calls the book a "readable apologia pro vita sua" which in english means a defense of one's life. Wood comes in with what is basically another descriptive of the book though stating that Beckwith honors the "riches" of his "evangelical past." Bauman concludes the Protestant endorsements. Bauman accurately describes my position when he states the some will, "attack it as Catholic apologetics, as inter-church proselytizing and warfare." But tells us that it's not an apology for Rome, but a story. Yeah, and the reason for the story is to explain and defend Beckwith's journey to Rome.

The Catholic endorsements show more levels of excitement as they should. Hittinger says it "should be a wake-up call for Catholics." I suppose this is a way of saying that Catholics can learn from Beckwith what may be some missing ingredients he experienced as a Protestant. Hahn informs us that Rome is the place where one "can have it all" and gain the "fullness." This falls in-line with the official Roman Catholic position. Mills comment is important. He says that this book will tell us why Evangelicals are "(often unhappily) drawn to Rome." We can most likely learn from this, however, my feeling is that the missing Gospel and misunderstandings of the faith by today's Evangelicals. Chaput praises the book as an "unforgettable witness." Should we understand this to mean that Catholics should have a more loving, ecumenical attitude towards Protestants as a better witness for Rome? Neuhaus describes the journey just the opposite way I would. To him, it's a story of "departure and return, loss and recovery." Now Budziszewski also accurately describes my thoughts that Beckwith's move "means abandoning the Gospel." He also calls the book a defense or "apologion" for Rome. We also see admission that Rome does have a strategy of ecumenical evangelism as the book is "encouraging for Catholics who aspire to the New Evangelization so often urged by John Paul II." I wonder if these methods would be similar to recent Evangelical seeker-sensitive approaches to evangelism.

Concluding Thoughts

The above endorsements agree that Beckwith is kind to the Protestant position and I'm glad that he is a nice guy. This kindness should not be reason enough to consider Roman Catholicism nor to continue to accept Beckwith in the faith as if nothing has changed. This should serve as a wake-up call to the Protestant churches as to how Rome is making inroads into evangelizing Protestants. The wake-up call should be loud and clear Protestant pastors and leaders as to why doctrine matters and cannot be divorced from feelings and faith journeys. This brings us right back to the Christless Christianity in evangelicalism today where the doctrinal understanding is missing.

Make no mistake, this book is positioned to be a great evangelism tool for Rome. Yes, it's a story and tagline referenced above tells us what kind of story. Beckwith's journey to Rome has all ready gotten significant press and blog coverage. Hopefully, the critiques of the book from Protestants will not be as the endorsements above. This may be an important book for Protestants to learn where our doctrinal education and clarity of the Gospel has fallen short. I also hope I'm wrong and this book slips right by without much notice in the evangelical community.

With sorrowful anticipation...

Mark

History Proves RCC Divinity

Catholics love to argue for the the legitimacy of their church from history. Here is a classic, but older example.

"Why are Protestants so much prejudiced against the Catholic Church, and why is it so difficult to convert them? It is because from infancy the minds of their children have been impressed with a false view of the History of their Religion—a Religion that dates only from the beginning of the sixteenth century. Why should not Catholics with equal, and even greater, effect confirm our children in their attachment to the Church, by showing them how to trace her to the times of the Apostles, and even to the Creation of the world? Is it not, then, of the greatest importance to teach them, together with their catechism, the History of their Religion? History is a safeguard against internal doubts, and a bulwark against all external attacks. He who has, by this means, been fully strengthened in his conviction that the Catholic Church is from God, and that she is the Only True Church, cannot but love her and submit his intellect to her doctrine and his heart to her precepts, and thus remain all his lifetime faithful to her.

After this proof from History that the Catholic Religion is Divine, the Catechism proper commences, and teaches us that we must submit to its doctrine; namely, that we must, 1. Believe what the Church teaches; 2. That we must also practise, that is, do the will of God; and 3. That we can neither believe nor do the will of God without His grace, which we receive by means of the Sacraments and of Prayer."

A Full Catechism of the Catholic Religion from 1889

It is interesting that the proof of the Divinity of the Roman Catholic Church should be determined from history books rather than God's book. If I were to fall for the "older is truer" idea, I think I would convert to Judaism.

Luther's Magnificat: A Representation of Luther's Lifelong Mariology?

One of Rome's defenders states,

  "Therefore, it can be stated without fear of contradiction that Luther’s Mariology is very close to that of the Catholic Church today, far more than it is to the theology of modern-day Lutheranism. To the extent that this fact is dealt with at all by Protestants, it is often explained (a cynic might say, rather, “rationalized away”) as a “holdover” from the early Luther’s late medieval Augustinian Catholic views (“everyone has their blind spots,” etc.). But this will not do for those who are serious about consulting Luther in order to arrive at the true “Reformation heritage” and the roots of an authentic Protestantism."

Over the years I've commented on similar versions of the above statement. I was though recently reminded of it while reading The Works of Martin Luther Vol. III (from the old Philadelphia set). I was re-reading particularly, Luther's exposition of The Magnificat (1521). In this early writing, Luther gives a detailed presentation of his understanding of Mary (generally speaking, Luther treats Mary only sparsely throughout his writings). In the introductory essay, Albert Steinhaeuser states:

The Magnificat belongs to the class of devotional writings, of which we have already presented a specimen in Volume I, “The Fourteen of Consolation.” Like that treatise, it is dedicated to a prince, and reached its noble patron in parts. Like it, too, it contains relics of older views. Nevertheless, the Magnificat is a classical discussion of the place which the Virgin Mary occupies in the Protestant system. Although Luther regards her in one place as sinless, and invokes her aid and intercession at the beginning and close of his work, these are isolated instances; the whole tenor of the exposition is evangelical, and as far removed from the Mariolatry of Rome as from an ultra-protestant depreciation of the Mother of our Lord. “She does not want you to come to her, but through her to God.” There is something very human, and altogether unlike the radiant Queen of Heaven, in the Mary who “goes about her wonted household tasks, milking the cows, cooking the meals, washing pots and kettles, sweeping out the rooms.” It is Luther’s contribution to the German Madonna, and the Weimar editors well compare this and similar passages of the Magnificat with Albrecht Durer’s Marienleben, a series of quaint woodcuts portraying the life of the Virgin (1503-10).

So is Steinhaeuser "rationalizing away" Luther's Mariology in the Magnificat, or presenting it as a “holdover from the early Luther’s late medieval Augustinian Catholic views"? I think Steinhaeuser was aware that Luther's Mariology underwent change as Luther's career progressed, and his comments are accurate. Indeed, "Luther regards her in one place as sinless, and invokes her aid and intercession at the beginning and close of his work, these are isolated instances..." Steinhaeuser was most likely aware that Luther went on to deny the sinlessness of Mary, as well as reject the intercession of the saints. Even in this detailed treatise, one sees that particular aspects of popular Catholic Mariolatry (both then and now) were downplayed by Luther, even when he shared some similarities with modern day Roman Catholics.

Steinhaeuser though does treat the document as a "devotional writing." When one reads through it, Luther can go on for many paragraphs not even discussing Mary. There's a lot more going on in this treatise than a discussion about Mary. The "devotional" aspect of the treatise has little to do with "devotion" to Mary, that's for sure. In fact, Mary could be removed from a large portions of the writing. The document was dedicated to a young prince. One sees suspiciously that particular aspects of the treatise were directed toward social interaction between the rich and poor, and those in power and those in poverty. At certain points, one wonders while reading it if Luther's even going to return to the subject of "Mary."

How different this is to current trends in popular Catholic apologetics. They write entire books focused on Mary (immaculate conception, perpetual virginity, etc.). Luther though, when he takes the opportunity to focus on Mary, more often than not takes the focus off Mary.

This notion of "devotion" is interesting because of a footnote on the same page. Steinhaeuser states,

"At least a footnote should be devoted to the treatment of the Magnificat in the recent Roman Catholic life of Luther by Hartmann Grisar, S.J. (Freiburg, 1911-2, 3 vols.; an English translation in six volumes, by E.M. Lamond, is underway, four volumes having appeared thus far). Grisar calls the Magnificat a polemical not a devotional writing, and one that misrepresents the Catholic position (ii 798; iii, 406). He refers in support of his contention to the following passages: pp. 134 f., 143, 151 f., 155 f., 170, 191, 195 f. (?) 200. We ask the reader carefully to persue these pages, and then to judge whether it is a fair criticism to say that 'there pulsates through the Magnificat an unbridled spirit of attack and of hate' (iii, 73).

Hartmann Grisar was one of the leading Roman Catholic writers on Luther, and I find it interesting how he read the document. Steinhaeuser appears to be using Grisar's work in German when he quotes Grisar stating, "...there pulsates through the Magnificat an unbridled spirit of attack and of hate." In Grisar's Luther Vol. IV (English), I think the sentence is rendered, "Though such praise of Mary from which at a later date Luther desisted may be placed to his credit, yet it must be pointed out, that even the above discourse is disfigured by bitter and unwarrantable attacks on Catholic doctrine and practice" (p. 237).

I'd like to take a rare moment and actually admit Grisar is onto something when he saw the treatise as polemical, rather than devotional. While there are elements of it that are devotional, in the sense of devotion to God and practical advice for living the Christian life, there are other aspects of it that do appear polemical. Luther was writing this document for a young prince. It really does appear at times in the document he was very concerned about the relationship between ruler and subject.

I would not agree with all of the following, but Grisar recognized there was something just not quite Roman Catholic about Luther's Magnificat. He states,

His 'Exposition of the Magnificat' has frequently been taken as a proof of Luther s great piety. It indeed contains many good thoughts, even apart from those relating to Mary, but in numerous passages the author uses his pen for a highly prejudiced vindication of his new teachings on the state of grace. It should also be borne in mind that the printers started on the book just before the Diet of Worms, and that it was intended to attract and secure the support of the future rulers of the Saxon Electorate. Luther was also engaged at that time on his exceedingly violent screed against Catharinus, in which he attempts to reveal the Pope in his true character as Antichrist. When, after the Diet of Worms, he continued his work on the Magnificat he was certainly in no mood to compose a book of piety on Mary. The result was that the book became to all intents and purposes a controversial tract, which cannot be quoted as a proof of his piety or serenity of mind during those struggles. Luther's Magnificat is as little a serious work of edification and piety as his exposition of certain of the Psalms, which appeared almost simultaneously and was also directed " against the Pope and the doctrine of men.

The same question should be asked of Grisar that was asked of Steinhaeuser. Is Grisar "rationalizing away" Luther's Mariology in the Magnificat, or presenting it as a “holdover from the early Luther’s late medieval Augustinian Catholic views"? Grisar also states the following overview of Luther's Mariology. Ask yourself, would Grisar state "therefore, it can be stated without fear of contradiction that Luther’s Mariology is very close to that of the Catholic Church today"?

As long as he admitted the invocation of Saints, Luther assigned a prominent place to that of the Blessed Virgin. " She is to be invoked," he writes in 1521, " that God may give and do according to her will what we ask." After he had changed his mind concerning the saints, he was unwilling to allow this any longer.

Owing, however, to the after effects of his Catholic education, here particularly noticeable in him, we meet with many beautiful sayings of his in support of the worship of Mary, although as time went on he grew ever more hostile to it.

-snip-

In the same year, on the Feast of our Lady s Conception, he speaks of her name, which he says is derived from " stilla maris," and extols her as the one pure drop in the ocean of the " massa perditionis." To his admission here that her conception was immaculate he was still true in 1527, as has already been shown; after 1529, however, the passage containing this admission was expunged when the sermon in question was reprinted. In his home-postils he says of her conception : " Mary the Mother was surely born of sinful parents, and in sin, as we were "; any explanation of the universal belief to the contrary and of his own previous statements he does not attempt.

-snip-

In the "Prayer-book " which Luther prepared for the press he retained the " Hail Mary " together with the " Our Father " and the " I believe," but he cut it down to the angel s greeting, as contained in the Bible, and taught that thereby honour was merely to be given God for the grace announced to Mary. He frequently preached, e.g. in 1523, on the wrong use of this prayer.

-snip-

Luther did not merely reproach the Catholics for making a goddess of Mary ; he even ventured some remarks scarcely to the credit of the Mother of God ; for a while, so he says, she had possessed only a small measure of faith and God had sometimes allowed her to waver ; such statements were due to his idea that all Christians, in order to preserve a firm faith in their hearts, must ever be waging battle. On these statements, Eck, in his Homilies, was very severe.

An attitude hostile to all the Catholic veneration for Mary is expressed by Luther in a sermon in 1522 on the Feast of our Lady s Nativity, included in his church-postils. It is true that we "owe honour to Mary," he says, rather frigidly, at the very beginning, " but we must take care that we honour her aright." He proceeds to explain that " we have gone too far in honouring her and esteem her more highly than we should." For in the first place we have thereby "disparaged " Christ, the Redeemer, and " by the profound honour paid to the Mother of God derogated from the honour and knowledge of Christ "; secondly, the honour due to our fellow-men and the love of the poor has thereby been forgotten. If it is a question of honouring anyone on account of his holiness, " then we are just as holy as Mary and the other Saints, however great, provided we believe in Christ."

That she " has a greater grace," viz. a higher dignity as the Mother of God, " is not due to any merit of hers, but simply because we cannot all be Mothers of God ; otherwise she is on the same level with us."

Of the anthem " Salve Regina," which is " sung throughout the world to the ringing of great bells," he says, that it was a " great blasphemy against God," for it terms Mary, the mother of mercy, our life, our sweetness and our hope. " The Regina Caeli is not much better, since it calls her Queen of Heaven." Why should her prayers have so much value, he asks, as though unaware of the explanations given by so many ecclesiastical writers, particularly by St. Bernard. " Your prayers, O Christian, are as dear to me as hers. And why ? Because if you believe that Christ lives in you as much as in her then you can help me as much as she."

In this discourse again he ventures on the calumny on the Catholic veneration of Mary, of which he was to make such frequent use later; it is equivalent to adoration ; "To seek to make of Mary an idol, that we cannot and may not do. We will not have her as a mediator, but as an advocate [to this Luther always clung] we will gladly accept her, like the other Saints. But people have put her above all the choirs of angels." Neither here nor elsewhere does he attempt to prove her alleged adoration or the idolatry of the Catholics ; when, a little further on, he launches forth against the pilgrimages made by common folk to churches and chapels of our Lady, he is straying from the subject and dealing with a practice of the faithful, quite harm less and wholesome in itself, whatever abuses it may then have involved.

Did Luther REALLY Believe in God?

Most people don't realize the book, Martin Luther: The Christian Between God and Death by Richard Marius is very similar in title to Heiko Oberman's book, Luther: Man Between God and the Devil. The books are easy to confuse for those not paying attention. In the past, I've had people quote things to me from Oberman's book, only to go look it up, and find they meant the book by Marius!

Heiko Oberman evaluated Luther as a religious man with a deep belief in God, and in a daily battle with the Devil. Richard Marius though argues Luther was not the heroic God believer in a cosmic spiritual battle. Luther was a man who questioned whether or not God even exists, and was terrified of death. Below is from the preface of Marius' book, in which he clearly lays out his understanding of Luther:




Marius states:

Insofar as possible in writing about a man whose complications and contradictions were numerous and often baffling, I have tried to write a narrative history about both events and ideas. Others are writing now about the German and broader European societies that either accepted or rejected Luther's doctrines. But my interest remains fixed on the man himself, his acts, his character, and his temperament. The temperament is all-important.

Everyone who knows anything about Luther knows that he had doubts all his life. The traditional understanding is that he doubted that God could save a sinner such as himself. This reading long ago appeared simplistic to me, even when I found it eloquently stated in Roland H. Bainton's seminars at Yale and in his great biography. Here I Stand, the most popular book about Luther in the English-speaking world.

My own view is that Luther's doubts were far deeper, swept along by one
of the great recurring waves of skepticism in human history, doubts that God exists at all and that he can or will raise the dead. Luther was situated in the Renaissance, where chaos and order, justice and injustice, appearance and reality, darkness and light contended with each other to an uncertain end. For him faith and the most radical kind of doubt dwelt entwined together until the end of his days. His tragic meaning for Western civilization is that to him radical doubt was akin to blasphemy, a sin to be purged from the human heart by vehement assertion and hateful insult.

-snip-

Why did he not face the difficulties of scripture squarely and arrive at the irenic balance between faith and skepticism that characterized Erasmus? The ultimate answer, of course, is temperament, the mysterious and perplexing force that makes all of us unique and gives us our own niche in history. As Luther confessed time and again, his was a temperament driven by fear and by the need to conquer it so he could live day by day. His greatest terror, one that came on him periodically as a horror of darkness, was the fear of death—death in itself, not the terror of a burning and eternal hell awaiting the sinner in an afterlife. It is startling to see how seldom he speaks of hell as a place of eternal torment, and indeed he finally rejected the notion of hell as any sort of place. When he spoke of inferno in Latin or Holle in German, he usually meant the Hebrew sheol, which he correctly said meant simply the grave. When locked in combat with an especially galling foe, Luther could consign such a person to everlasting flames, but the more reflective Luther scarcely mentions hell. His ultimate question was this: Can I believe that God has the power to raise us from the dead? The corollary to this unanswerable, existential puzzle is another question: How does the Christian deal with the terror that death evokes while reaching for a faith that the triumph over death is possible? It seems to me that Luther's theology arose from these two elemental queries. He would shake the world to its foundations so he could believe in the resurrection of the dead.

Luther, who hated skepticism, was a skeptic in spite of himself, and his titanic wrestling with the dilemma of the desire for faith and the omnipresence of doubt and fear became an augury for the development of the religious consciousness of the West in modern times. Although few scholars seem to have contemplated the idea or studied Luther's works with that possibility in mind, this thesis, I believe, brings Luther closer to us, makes him more human, and explains if it does not excuse some of the more terrible words and deeds in his career.

It is interesting Marius stops his book at the year 1527 (but really ending around 1525), while Oberman's book looks at Luther's entire life until his death in 1546. This fact alone should make one question if the Luther put forth by Marius can support his presuppositions. I say it cannot.

Marius says his underlying presuppositions to his study on Luther is “essentially non-religious.” From this perspective, he begins with the notion that “Luther represents a catastrophe in the history of Western civilization.” And, “…[W]hatever good Luther did is not matched by the calamities that came because of him” (p. xii) (Marius also lays part of the blame on the Catholic Church as well). Because the Reformation led to wars between Catholics and Protestants, the loss of life was a grave calamity of the Reformation. Humanists are always concerned with preserving humanity, for humanity’s sake. Try applying Marius’s reasoning to Moses: The Jews would have been better off if they stayed in Egypt because they almost all died in the desert wilderness. The Jews that went into the Promised Land exterminated a large number of people. Moses should have been like Erasmus and sought to negotiate more conservatively with Pharaoh. Hence, whatever good Moses did is not matched by the calamities that came because of him… Or consider the early church: instead of giving their lives for their beliefs, they should have negotiated with the Roman government. They should have said, “we’ll bow to Caesar as god, but we don’t really mean it.” Countless lives could have been saved. Thus, whatever good the early church caused by not cooperating with the Roman government is not matched by the calamities they caused.

Luther, 2 Maccabees & Purgatory....Revisited

A common Catholic complaint is that Luther "threw" 2 Maccabees out of the canon because it teaches purgatory. For instance, I've reviewed Catholic apologist Gary Michuta's claims that Luther was forced when debating Eck in 1519 to abandon 2 Maccabees because it taught Purgatory. The problem though for Catholic apologists, is that Luther still believed in Purgatory at the time they say he rejected 2 Maccabees. The honest truth of the matter is Luther rejected 2 Maccabees for reasons he outlines, not what Catholic apologists claim.

I've been re-reading An Argument in Defense of all the Articles of Martin Luther Wrongly Condemned in the Roman Bull, 1521 [Source: Works of Martin Luther (Philadelphia Edition) Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1930 pp. 11-116]. This writing is Luther's lengthy response to the bull Exsurge Domine. I found a very interesting section from the document, relevant to this issue, written in 1521:

That there is a purgatory cannot be proved by those Scriptures which are approved and trustworthy. I have never yet denied that there is a purgatory, and I still hold that there is, as I have many times written and confessed, though I have no way of proving it incontrovertibly, either by Scripture or reason. I find in the Scriptures, indeed, that Christ, Abraham, Jacob, Moses, Job, David, Hezekiah and some others tasted hell in this life. This I think to be purgatory, and it is not incredible that some of the dead suffer in like manner. Tauler has much to say about it, and, in a word, I have decided for myself that there is a purgatory, but cannot force any others to the same decision.

There is only one thing that I have attacked, namely, the way in which they apply to purgatory passages of Scripture so inapplicable that it becomes ridiculous. So they apply Psalm 66:12, “We went through fire and water,” though the whole Psalm sings of the sufferings of the saints, which no one places in purgatory. Again, St Paul, in 1 Corinthians 3, says of the fire of the last day that it will prove the good works, and by it some shall be saved because they keep the faith, though their work may suffer loss. Of this fire also they make purgatory, according to their custom of twisting the Scriptures and making of them what they will.

Thus, too, they have drawn in by the hair that passage in Matthew 12:32, in which Christ says, “Whoso speaketh blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven him, neither in this world nor in the world to come.” Christ means by this that it shall never be forgiven him, as Mark 3:29 explains His meaning, saying, “He that sinneth against the Holy Ghost by blasphemy hath no forgiveness forever, but is guilty of an eternal sin.”

To be sure, even St Gregory interprets the word in Matthew 12 to mean that some sins will be forgiven in the world to come, but St Mark does not allow that interpretation to stand, and he counts for more than all the doctors.

I have said all this so that we may know that no one is bound to believe more than what is based on Scripture, and those who do not believe in purgatory are not to be called heretics, if in other respects they hold the entire Scriptures, as the Greek Church does. The Gospel compels me to believe that St Peter and St James are saints, but it is not necessary to believe that St Peter is buried at Rome and St James at Compostella and their bodies are still there, for that the Scriptures do not tell us. Again, there is no sin in holding that none of the saints whom the pope canonizes are saints, and the saints take no offense at that, for there are many saints in heaven of whom we do not know that they exist at all, still less that they are saints; and they take no offense at that, and do not think us heretics because of it. The pope and his sectaries play this game only that he may set up many wild articles of faith, beside which the true articles of the Scriptures are silenced and suppressed.

But their use of the passage in 2 Maccabees 12, about how Judas Maccabaeus sent money to Jerusalem to buy prayers for those who fell in battle, proves nothing, for that book is not among the books of Holy Scripture, and, as St Jerome says, it is not found in the Hebrew tongue, in which all the books of the Old Testament are found. In other respects too this book has little authority, for it contradicts the first book of Maccabees in its description of King Antiochus, and contains many more fables which destroy its credibility. And even though the book were authoritative, it would yet be necessary in the case of so important an article that at least one passage out of one of the chief books should come to its help, that every word might be established in the mouth of two or three witnesses. It is a suspicious circumstance that on this subject alone there should be found in the whole Bible no more than one passage, and that in the least important, most despised book, if it is so great a matter, and so much depends upon it that the papacy and the whole priesthood are all but built upon it, and derive all their wealth and honor from it. Without doubt the majority of the priests would starve if there were no purgatory.

They ought not to offer to faith such weak and fallible grounds.

From one of the foremost commentators on the canon law in the 15th Century....

"...in matters of faith even the statement of one single private person can take precedence over statements by the Pope, whenever he (the private person) is guided by better reasons and authoritative grounds in the Old and New Testaments than the Pope is." (Nicholas de Tudeschis (Panormitanus), d. 1445).

Luther: Hearken, ye papists! Paul curses an angel from heaven if he teaches differently from the Scriptures, and I am not to have the power to despise a man if he teaches differently! Why do ye not also condemn that chapter of Panormitanus, Significasti, de Electione, which I have cited, in which he says that we are to believe a layman, if he presents plain Scripture or clear reason, rather than a pope or a council; and this opinion is shared by almost all the jurists, especially the ablest and most learned among them.

Heiko Oberman: Luther is not fit to teach in today's universities

Over on the CARM discussion boards, a Roman Catholic has been posting rants about Luther's authority claims. I interacted recently with this person, but I must say, his posts have gotten progressively worse. The spirit of Cochlaeus is alive and well.

In the "authority" discussion, an excursion into Luther Psychohistory was added to the mix. It was stated:

"Let’s take a look at another Protestant “take” on Luther, his concept of his own authority AND his psychological “fitness”. Oberman considers what type of “position” Luther would “quality” for in today’s world."

Then a selection of quotes from Heiko Oberman's book, Luther: Man Between God and the Devil were posted. The argument: even a Protestant biographer of Luther didn't think Luther was "psychologically fit."I'd like to look at all the quotes at some point, but these, as posted caught my eye. They are a striking example of missing the broad context:

“he would not likely be offered a professorship (at the University of Wittenberg, now a part of the University of Halle), nor would it be any different in Heidelberg or Marburg…..He would be an indisputably successful teacher, but as a colleague he would be irksome and unwilling to bow to majorities…….He would be driven by singular notions about the Devil and the Last Judgment………..

He would be biting and sometimes overly rough toward colleagues with whom he disagreed. Where generalized judgments were concerned, he would outdo anyone, working himself up to furious tirades. He would rant against papists, Jews, lawyers, and high officials……………..

A psychiatric analysis would rob Luther of whatever chances he had left of teaching at a present-day university. The diagnosis would be persuasive – Paranoia reformatorica – but the grounds for it must remain irritatingly uncertain, ranging from neurosis to psychosis, from Oedipus complex to mother fixation. Fear of the Lord and abhorrence of the Devil are indicators of disturbed childhood development. And disturbing is what they really are…………….

Nevertheless, there is something to be learned from trying to imagine Luther as our contemporary because it is his personality and character that are at issue. Our anachronistic test is so illuminating because questions regarding his commitment cannot simply be shunted aside in an analysis of his person. The man and his cause are both intimately linked that any separation of the two will be at the expense of both. Even this speaks against offering Luther a professorship in our time, which prefers objective scholarship to a personal commitment and vision.” Oberman, pg 313-314

I tend to get very suspicious when I see frequent uses of "...". The following analysis of these quotes was provided by the Roman Catholic using Oberman's book:

"This is an interesting combination of comments from this Protestant writer. He admits that Luther had obvious psychological issues, and while he also admits that Luther’s problems would preclude the possibility of being allowed to teach in a modern university, he somehow fails to connect the dots in that he does not bring up the possibility that it could have been Luther’s psychological problems ALONE (solo psycho) that led to his certainty of his authority, and also hindered him from recognizing that he had no such authority whatsoever."

"In regards to the quote from Oberman about Luther’s psychological condition AND his supposed “fitness” to teach in one of today’s universities; Can you imagine a context either preceding or following that quote, or anywhere else in the book for that matter, that would somehow rehabilitate the impression that Oberman leaves us with in that quote? Do you think that there is something just prior to the quote I posted which says something like: “IF I wanted to smear Luther’s FINE name, I would say the following about this upstanding and emotionally healthy man: (My Oberman quote here)” Seriously, can think of ANY kind of text which would negate the quote that I posted? Short of reading the book, one cannot escape the conclusion that Oberman at least accurately portrayed HIS opinions on Luther and that after a great deal of study of the man."

It was asked above, "Can you imagine a context either preceding or following that quote, or anywhere else in the book for that matter, that would somehow rehabilitate the impression that Oberman leaves us with in that quote?" Well, yes, I can. The context is the particular perspective from which Oberman wrote this book. Oberman asked his readers to "...be prepared to leave behind our own view of life and the world: to cross centuries of confessional and intellectual conflict in order to become [Luther's] contemporary." That means, one must be prepared to find Satan very real and at work continually. Satan was busy attacking the individual Christian and the Church. Luther was a medieval man, not a product of the Enlightenment. The Devil was real, and it was the end of the world. Luther had a healthy fear of the hidden God- which drove his christocentric theology. Oberman therefore paints Luther as a man between God and the Devil: fighting the later, while clinging to Christ.

In the opening preface to the English edition, Oberman states:

The translation enterprise is as hazardous as it necessary; nuances are easily lost, especially when once vitally important existential expressions are rendered as antiquated parts of an absolute "belief-system." In the case of Martin Luther this problem is all the more acute, as his interpreters, intent on mining riches, have been given to present him as "relevant" and hence "modern." Thus they have been inclined to bypass or remove medieval "remnants"- first among these, the Devil Himself. This book has been written with the double assumption that, first, the Reformer can only be understood as a late medieval man for whom Satan is as real as God and mammon; and, second, that the relevancy so sought after is not found by purging the record and hence submitting to post-Enlightenment standards of modernity, but rather by challenging our condescending sense of having outgrown the dark myths of the past. (Oberman,xv)

In the preface to the first edition, Oberman states:

Discovering Luther the man demands more than scholarship can ever expect to offer. We must be prepared to leave behind our own view of life and the world: to cross centuries of confessional and intellectual conflict in order to become his contemporary. When the Church was still equated with Heaven, and the Emperor represented the might of the world, a monk named Luther rose up against these powers of Heaven and Earth: he stood alone with only God and his omnipresent adversary, the Devil. Surprisingly, the discoveries and experiences of a life marked by battle raging within and without make him a contemporary of our time, which has learned to sublimate the Devil and marginalize God. (p. ix).

The Roman Catholic posting the quotes completely missed that Oberman is not a psycho-historian. Therefore, Oberman's comments about Luther's psychological state evaluated by today's standards, must keep this presupposition in mind- he isn't siding with psychohistorical analysis, but rather demonstrating it cannot comprehend a 16th century medieval worldview.

Oberman states that psychological diagnoses of Luther's upbringing are subject to "changing scholarly trends" and are based on the "psychologizing mood of our times." He also shows the folly of using psychohistory via an interpretation of a letter from Freud, noting that psychohistory can make history "more difficult to hear what is actually being said."

From the way the Catholic cited Oberman, it makes it appear as though Oberman was a psychohistorian. Hardly! I thought it would be interesting to read the context the snippet quotes above came from:



Luther Today: A Test
Where would a man like Martin Luther fit in today? What kind of job would he be suited for?

Were there still a university in Wittenberg (it was merged with the University of Halle in 1815), he would not likely be offered a professorship there; nor would it be any different in Heidelberg or Marburg. It is the Erasmian type of ivory-tower academic that has gained international acceptance. If there were a chair somewhere, whether in Harvard or Holten, it would be futile to look for his name on the list of applicants—one must follow a call, be driven against one's will. Should he nonetheless be shortlisted by a department of religion, the problem would arise of what subject Luther should teach today. The professor of biblical theology would probably be best suited for the present-day field of practical theology.

But for that he would be too conservative and far too pious, as well as being too Catholic in approach and too strongly committed to the Middle Ages—in short, he would not be up-to-date. He would be an indisputably successful teacher, but as a colleague he would be irksome and unwilling to bow to majorities. The modern trend toward ecumenism would cause him particular problems because he would not be prepared to suppress those questions that divide Christians. He was driven by singular notions about the Devil and the Last Judgment. With respect to the Devil he had not yet experienced the Enlightenment and would seriously have to let himself be asked this question: "What would he have done without the Devil, without the possibility of attributing the grotesque and embarrassing contradictions in his personal history to Evil personified?" How strange his answer would sound, that he would be even worse off without the Devil, for God, too, would then have become remote! Whether the discoveries of modern psychology would have changed his mind cannot be determined; he distrusted solutions that were "self-evident" and learned to see contradictions as proof of the proximity of truth.

He would certainly be an unpredictable ally in faculty politics. He might take an interest in curricular reforms, as he had in the autumn of 1517, and even present comprehensive plans that would be popular among the students who filled his lecture halls to the point of overflowing. But if, as in the summer of 1520, a great many of these students started fighting, as they had with journeymen painters, and caused a riot, he would preach publicly against them and even leave the meeting angrily when the rector and senate of the university tried to defend the students.

He would be biting and sometimes overly rough toward colleagues with whom he disagreed. Where generalized judgments were concerned, he would outdo anyone, working himself up to furious tirades. He would rant against papists, Jews, lawyers, and high officials because he felt all of them strangled human life with suffocating laws that undermine the common good. He would hardly have bowed to anything like a minister of education—he was not "politically reliable."

A psychiatric analysis would rob Luther of whatever chances he had left of teaching at a present-day university. The diagnosis would be persuasive—Paranoia reformatorica—but the grounds for it must remain irritatingly uncertain, ranging from neurosis to psychosis, from Oedipus complex to mother fixation. Fear of the Lord and abhorrence of the Devil are indicators of disturbed childhood development. And disturbing is what they really are.

Of course there is an objection to this conceptual experiment of attempting to hire the sixteenth-century Luther at a modern university: a "child of his time" cannot simply be transplanted to an era centuries later. The distance between the dawn of the modern age and the twentieth century is vast.Historically we are separated by the Enlightenment, politically by the American (1776), French (1789), and Russian (1918) revolutions, and socio-politically by the Industrial Revolution.

Nevertheless, there is something to be learned from trying to imagine Luther as our contemporary because it is his personality and character that are at issue. Our anachronistic test is so illuminating because questions regarding his commitment cannot simply be shunted aside in an analysis of his person. The man and his cause are so intimately linked that any separation of the two will be at the expense of both. Even this speaks against offering Luther a professorship in our time, which prefers objective scholarship to a personal commitment and vision.

Oberman isn't saying Luther had Paranoia, neurosis, psychosis, Oedipus complex and mother fixation, he's saying that the modern worldview cannot comprehend the medieval man. For the modern mind, Luther's fear of the Lord and belief in the Devil can only be translated into psychosis. The modern mind cannot account for an intense belief in the Devil or God- that's all Oberman is saying on pp. 313-314.

As to Oberman's views on Luther, after his section "Luther Today: A Test" he presents his interpretation of Luther's psyche:

Sickness unto Death
The Reformation movement cannot be separated from Luther the man, but it would also be incorrect to see it as the consequence of his exposure to psychic pressures: Luther might be able to accept a diagnosis of Paranoia reformatorica, since "Reformation madness" includes the foolishness that is an intrinsic part of faith. And it can scarely have been anything but this foolishness that enabled him to bear the burdens and pressures attendant on his role as a reformer—a role he did not want to play but which friend and foe alike forced upon the "Evangelist." One aspect of these burdens is particularly noteworthy. Luther's fear of God proved an overwhelming force before which human fears receded and lost their thrust. We can outline the range of this fear of God in five points:

Fear of the Lord is awe of the majesty of the Lord and fear of God's holy wrath: "If I could believe that God was not angry at me, I would stand on my head for joy."

Faith and fear of the Lord are not mutually exclusive, but faith lives on trust in God's mercy and not the knowledge of His majesty. The faithful creep under the cross of Christ like chicks under the wings of the mother hen.

God's wrath is not directed against man but against his lack of faith: faith is the obedience demanded by God.

The Reformation discovery did not leave the "wrath of God" and the "fear of God" behind as outdated medieval concepts.

Faith is not individual self-protection. The Evangelical movement should build a wall of faith to protect the people.


Modern day pyschology, when evaluating people who are extremely religious, think extremely religious people are crazy. That is, those who take their faith seriously must have deep psychosis. Now, apply this to what Oberman wrote in "Luther Today: a test." Luther, an extremely religious man, if evaluated by modern psychology, would arrive at a diagnosis of paranoia, neurosis, psychosis, Oedipus complex and mother fixation. The modern day psychologists will not think the real motivation of Luther's behavior was his faith in Jesus and fear of God, and battle with the Devil.

Oberman thinks Luther's behavior and life was motivated by his faith in Jesus and fear of God, and battle with the Devil, not paranoia, neurosis, psychosis, Oedipus complex and mother fixation.

Indeed, all of us that claim to believe in God with deep faith in His resurrected Son would get a negative evaluation from a secular psychologist! So, Oberman is arguing for Luther's genuine religious faith. That's why the context says something positive about Luther.

This explanation troubled Marius. That's why the Marius book had a very similar title to the Oberman book. Marius felt it was Luther's atheism and fear of death that motivated him, thus the title: Martin Luther: The Christian Between God and Death. The book by Marius was a DIRECT response to Oberman's book. Oberman and Marius were having a scholarly disagreement on what Luther was "between" so to speak.

The irony for me is a few years back I dialoged with Catholic apologist Art Sippo on psychological approaches to Luther, and Sippo blasted away at Oberman. This Roman Catholic though uses Oberman to prove Luther's psychosis.

One of the pastors at the church I attend recently did two sermons from the book of Job on suffering and God's providence. I found these sermons very encouraging:

The Journey of Job (Part 1)

The Journey of Job (Part 2)

To hear other sermons from the Pompton Plains Reformed Bible Church, see our page here.

Fan Club Testimonials

Here are some recent commendations about my interests in the Reformation from one of my Roman Catholic admirers:

"Just to summarize my thoughts here on discussing these things with you, it just ain't worth the effort. You are FAR interested in making pronouncements about this or that writer, or commenting on your preferred context means of establishing proper context, or making disparaging comments about me personally than you are in ACTUALLY DISCUSSING LUTHER. Especially Luther's beliefs on his own authority to teach and interpret. I think that your tactics are pretty obvious, even to us who are not intellectuals."

"Please feel free to burden someone else with endless discussions of sources and "James approved context". If you want to actually discuss Luther's beliefs about his own authority and compare your thoughts with those of other Reformed writers, you will have the opportunity. But just so you will know, I think it is cowardly to hide behind the typical "scholarly" tactic of simply refuting everything on the basis that you don't agree with this or that source, or whine that not enough or too many words from a given quote were used."

"In summary James, although I would like to engage in an honest dialogue with you about LUTHER and especially about his concept of his own authority, that appears to be impossible for you. Being a failed human I don't have the patience to be jerked around endlessly discussing your preferred set of writers, your non-preferred writers, your very exacting criteria regarding context (which never really becomes clear until I post quote, and rarely thereafter). I don't have the patience to have you constantly make me, or Dave, or this or that the issue. I think it is intellectually dishonest in that your motives are obviously to tie me up so that I don't have time to quote what you know I am going to."

Greetings Scott Windsor. I have noted your blog entries, and will read them when I get the chance. 

Luther: "My Teaching is not mine, but God's"

Recently this Luther snippet was posted on a discussion board:

"I have said repeatedly: Assail my person if you will, and in any way you will; I do not claim to be an angel. But I will allow no one to assail my teaching with impunity, since I know that it is not mine, but God’s. For on this depends my neighbor’s salvation and my own, to God’s praise and honor." Martin Luther, (Reply to the Answer of the Leipzig Goat, 1521; from PE, Vol. III, 293-294; translated by A. Steimle)

In the discussion thread, this quote is supposed to prove, "...when it came to Luther's statements about his authority to interpret Scripture, it seems very clear that he considered himself to be a human authority above all others... Here we see Luther claiming that he would not allow anyone to rebuke him on matters of his teaching. In this he placed his teaching, or his interpretation of Scripture above that of everyone else. He also contends that he knows that his teaching if from God, and therefore is not his own. This of course would mean that he placed himself above anyone who disagreed with him, setting himself up as a divine authority."

The historical context of this quote is truly interesting, and explains why Luther said this. In the context, Luther is responding to one of his most severe papal critics, Jerome Emser. Emser had written to Luther, “Three times I gave you a brotherly warning and begged you, for God’s sake, to spare the poor folk to whom you are giving such great offense by this affair, and you gave your final answer in these words: ‘Let the devil care! This thing was not begun for God’s sake and shall not stop for God’s sake!’ ” Luther responded back with his "Reply to the Answer of the Leipzig Goat." Luther was angered at being... miscited by a Catholic apologist. Luther explains the actual context of his comment from his debate with Eck at the Leipzig debate:

It happened at Leipzig, in the chancellery of the castle — I have a keen and lively memory of the occasion — that the discussion concerning the arrangements for the disputation proceeded, according to Eckian practice, to place all the advantage on his side. We saw that our opponents sought glory rather than truth, although until then I had hoped that they had begun the matter in God’s name, even as I had done. Then I uttered the plaintive words that came from a sorrowful heart: “This thing is not begun in God’s name, nor will the end be in God’s name.” And the result has proved it; every one now sees that my prophecy is fulfilled. The kind of fruit the disputation has borne is all too evident.

Luther boldly calls Emser a liar because of his context-less miscitation. Luther was not referring to the indulgence controversy, the Reformation, or even his teachings on justification, but to Eck's manipulation of the Leipzig debate. Luther states, "My words referred not to myself, but to Eck, Emser, and the Leipzig theologians...". Further, "Therefore, my dear liar, I did not say, as you accuse me, that I regard the taking offense by the common people of so little account, that I consigned it to the devil. That is an invention of yours, in order to accuse me of being, as you say, a proud and haughty man... But if I knew that my teaching brought injury to one simple-minded man— which cannot be, since it is the Gospel itself—I would rather suffer ten deaths than allow such teaching to spread or go unrecanted."

Indeed, Luther did catch a leading Catholic theologian deliberately lying against him by misquoting him. Here we find those officially opposing Luther, those who claimed to be representing the "truth," resorting to...lies. Luther then states,

He is a villain indeed, worse even than Emser himself, who would not sympathize with the common people when they take offense. Again, he is unchristian who would sympathize with the tyrants and Pharisees when they take offense. I will not waste any words arguing whether I am a haughty man or not, since that does not concern my teaching, but my person. I have said repeatedly: Assail my person if you will, and in any way you will; I do not claim to be an angel. But I will allow no one to assail my teaching with impunity, since I know that it is not mine, but God’s. For on this depends my neighbor’s salvation and my own, to God’s praise and honor. Now I think one would sooner believe my fellow Wittenbergers, who see my daily life and have constant dealings with me, rather than the lying outsider, Emser.

So, Luther's comment about his teaching "I know that it is not mine, but God’s," falls in this context. Emser had misquoted Luther as devilishly admitting his teaching was not from God, that he didn't care about the common people who heard it. Luther responds by presenting a context, and admitting the opposite: his teaching was God's. One must stop and ask, if faced with the charge that one's teachings come from the Devil, what should one say in response?

Does the quote prove Luther "...placed his teaching, or his interpretation of Scripture above that of everyone else"? No. What it proves is Luther sought to verify his teaching by the sole authority of Scripture. Here was where the battle was to be fought. The document this quote comes from was still during the indulgence dispute, 1521. When Luther began his critique of indulgences, he sought to critique the abuse via an appeal to the Scriptures. What was Emser doing? Luther states, "Why were you silent about the abominable abuse of the indulgences and all the Roman knavery, and why are you still silent?" Luther was repeatedly put down by leading Catholic theologians who argued in favor of indulgences. Luther states, "It does not concern me whether you are good or evil, but I will attack your poisonous and lying teaching that contradicts God’s Word, and, with God’s help, I will oppose it vigorously."

Luther returns to the question as to whether or not he had ever started anything in "God's name":

Furthermore, that your great wisdom and superior holiness may be astounded and cross itself at the sight of such a poor sinner and great fool, I will go on and say that I do not boast ever to have begun anything in God’s name, as you boast with such solemn affirmations. What do you think of that, Emser? Now let your pen splutter, ring all the bells and cry aloud, that what is in me is all the devil’s work, just as you would so gladly have done, out of great love, in this death-thrust of yours. Dear Emser, my heart’s trust is, that I have begun it in His name, but I am not so bold as to pass judgment myself and to say brazenly it is surely not otherwise. I would not like to rely upon this confidence when God judges, but I creep to His grace and I hope that He will accept it as having been begun in His name, and if any impure motives have crept in, since I am a sinful man of ordinary flesh and blood, He will graciously forgive it and not deal severely with me in His judgment.

Emser accuses Luther's teachings as causing dissension, and therefore not of God. Luther responds:

My hope that I have begun in God’s name and that I teach the Word of God aright has no stronger witness and sign than this, that its rapid spread throughout the world without my doing or seeking it, and in spite of untold opposition and persecution by the powerful and learned, has brought about dissension. If that were not the case, I would have despaired and given up long ago. That the real nature of the Divine Word is to produce just such a movement and disturbance is affirmed By Psalm 147: “God’s word runneth swiftly”; and by Christ: “I will give you a mouth and wisdom which all your adversaries shall not be able to gainsay and resist”; and in Matthew: “Think not that I am come to send peace on earth. I came not to send peace, but a sword and dissension. For I am come to set a son at variance against his father, and the daughter against the mother, and a man’s foes shall be they of his own household.” (Psalms 147:15; Luke 21:15; Matthew 10:34 ff.)

Contrarily, Luther argues that the Romanist teachings are really those not of God:

This is exactly why I firmly believe that the greater number of the popes’ and all the sophist theologians’ books are the devil’s teachings: They have been received by the world peacefully without opposition, have been accorded all honor and held in higher esteem and fear than the holy Gospel. If they had come from God, they would have pleased the smaller number, brought discord into homes and made some men martyrs. But you, a holy priest of God and a Christian lover, pretend to write peaceful doctrine which shall not give offense, and you appeal to the final judgment that you do so without rancor and in the name of God. My good friend, you make St. Simeon a liar when he says in Luke 2:34 “Christ is set for the fall and rising again of many, and for a sign which shall be spoken against.” All the strife and the wars of the Old Testament prefigured the preaching of the Gospel which must produce strife, dissension, disputes, disturbance.

So, we see that the snippet quote has a context. But, defenders of Catholicism ignore the historical situation and context, and simply declare Luther words to mean he claimed to be "a human authority above all others" and that he "set himself up as a divine authority." Such is not the case. Luther continually argues from Scripture, and desires the same in response. One need only look at his treatise An Argument in Defense of all the Articles of Martin Luther Wrongly Condemned in the Roman Bull from the same year as proof. Theologians are supposed to argue from Scripture! Of verses not infallibly defined by Rome, theologians were given freedom to interpret! If Luther's teachings were not God's, how should one determine it? By appealing to the Scriptures.

The quote as used in the discussion thread comes from a Roman apologist's book on Luther. After using this quote, and a few others, the writer states:

We often hear complaints from Protestant apologists and other partisans about the excessive, intolerably "autocratic" authority of the papacy, yet papal proclamations are not even in the same universe as these above, from the founder of Protestantism. Martin Luther didn't need trifles as insignificant as the decree of an ecumenical council to justify himself. He simply assumed his prophetic call and proceeded on, undaunted by precedent and Church authority alike, if it went against his "judgment," which, of course, also was "God’s" and not his own. These quotes from Luther are all of a piece: they all indicate that he considered himself some sort of infallible, unquestionable theological / spiritual guide or authority. Lots of people claim this, of course. Why should Martin Luther have been regarded any differently from any other self-proclaimed prophets or oracles of God? I think this is a perfectly legitimate and highly important question that Protestants would do well to ponder.

In reviewing the context of this quote, I used only the reference a Catholic apologist provided: Reply to the Answer of the Leipzig Goat, 1521; from PE, Vol. III. Even the historical background material I referenced comes from this source. Perhaps the Roman apologist got the quote from someone else, and never read the context. This is indeed possible. But if he did read the context, one sees an incredible example of reading history through Romanist glasses. Rather than thrusting oneself into the context of the debate between Luther and Emser, we are given the typical Catholic polemic that Luther "...simply assumed his prophetic call and proceeded on, undaunted by precedent and Church authority alike, which, of course, also was 'God’s" and not his own' " and that Luther, "...considered himself some sort of infallible, unquestionable theological / spiritual guide or authority." The Catholic apologist asks for Protestants to "ponder" whether or not Luther should be regarded any differently than any other self-proclaimed prophet. The real question though to ask, is why should anachronism and lack of context be the grid to interpret Luther by?

"...that the pope and his fellow-tyrants have taught differently is as clear as day. Hus proved it, so did I and many others, and I will bring still better proof, so help me God."- Luther to Jerome Emser, 1521

Eucharist Questions

I have never been a Roman Catholic. That means I'm not an ex-Catholic mad at a nun who hit me with a ruler, or a priest who didn't know what he was doing. The things I've learned about Rome have been theoretical. I've never experienced them. I've only been to a Roman Catholic Church a few times, and these for either funerals or weddings. So, I don't claim to know all in regard to all things Roman Catholic. I assume the same honest admission would come from cradle Catholics in regard to my Reformed perspective. Many Catholics have never been to a Reformed church service, so they do not know what the experience of being a member of a solid Reformed church is like.

It has been from listening daily to Catholic Answers Live that I've found I don't know what most Roman Catholics are concerned about. Many, if not most of the questions called in have to do with the rules of Rome on things like divorce, parenting, or aspects of the rules of liturgy. Most of these questions (and the answers) I find dull and tedious. The "divorce" answers typically require an aspirin or two- they require listening to interpretations of canon law, personal opinions, and discussions as to what makes a marriage valid or invalid.

Some questions are actually humorous. I did get quite a chuckle when someone called up asking if it was okay to applaud after the Eucharist. The questions about what to do about contemporary worship are ironically funny- that Catholics leave particular parishes because the music is either too conservative or too liberal. Or, questions about "group confession" or "group holding hands" show that Rome suffers from some of the same silliness Protestant churches do.

Recently I started a "fact finding" discussion thread about the Roman Catholic understanding of the Eucharist. Remember, I've never participated in the mass, nor do I have reasons to go search out all the tedium of canon law on it. It's enough for me to know that it is unbiblical in theory. But, I do have some questions as to the practice.

My wife, who was brought up Roman Catholic, recently attended a Catholic funeral. She is a faithful member of the Reformed Protestant church I belong to, and has been a Christian for many years. I realize some Christians would never go to a Roman Catholic service. In terms of Christian liberty, I did not object to my wife attending the service. She knows the truth about Rome, and went only as a support to her family.

At a point in the funeral service came mass. As her relatives went forward to partake in the Eucharist, she did not. Some of those who went forward probably do not practice their Catholicism with any vigor or consistency. Some of her Catholic relatives have informed me that even though my wife has not been a practicing Catholic for many years, she still could've gone forward to partake. My studies lead me to believe that according to recent Catholicism, this would be wrong. Is this is so, and if yes, what should Rome do to stop people from violating Roman protocol? I told my Catholic relatives that non-Catholics, according to Rome, should not take the Eucharist in a situation as I've described it, only to be told I don't know what I'm talking about.

Further, here are some related questions:

1. If a person is unknowingly in mortal sin, and takes the Eucharist, what are the dangers? Should those in such a state simply be excused for being ignorant of the gravity of their state?

2. Where does the Roman Church outline these dangers?

3. Should a priest be concerned about the possibility of giving someone the Eucharist who should not have it? If so why? If not why?

I've never researched the matter in the Catechism, but I do find one of the major differences between my church and the Roman sect, according to some of the answers given in the discussion thread, is that my church would not allow strangers to partake in the communion sacrament, thus erring on the side of caution, while the Roman sect says its priests can't babysit, and thus (in my opinion) err on the side wanton irresponsibility. If Romanism were true, I would not want to be a priest giving the Eucharist to people so haphazardly, knowing that God will eternally judge my actions as a priest.

I have often read Catholics in cyber-space praise the sacrament of the Eucharist, and explain how Protestants don't take it as seriously as Roman Catholics. The questions I've asked though lead me to believe quite the opposite: my church takes the sacrament far more seriously.

Catholics on Evolution

From Catholic News:

"Speakers invited to attend a Vatican-sponsored congress on the evolution debate will not include proponents of creationism and intelligent design, organizers said.

…Jesuit Father Marc Leclerc, a philosophy professor at the Gregorian, told Catholic News Service Sept. 16 that organizers "wanted to create a conference that was strictly scientific" and that discussed rational philosophy and theology along with the latest scientific discoveries.

He said arguments "that cannot be critically defined as being science, or philosophy or theology did not seem feasible to include in a dialogue at this level and, therefore, for this reason we did not think to invite" supporters of creationism and intelligent design."

Creationism is not theological?

"…Archbishop Gianfranco Ravasi, president of the Pontifical Council for Culture, said the other extreme of the evolution debate -- proponents of an overly scientific conception of evolution and natural selection -- also were not invited.

He reiterated that evolutionary theory 'is not incompatible with the teachings of the Catholic Church or the Bible's message.'"

Try reading Genesis again without the need to conform to the world.

"…Phillip Sloan, a professor at Notre Dame, told the press conference the evolution debate, "especially in the United States, has been taking place without a strong Catholic presence ... and the discourse has suffered accordingly."

Actually, the last thing the evolution debate needs is to be confused by Catholic worldliness posing as a thoughtful biblical position.

"…While there has been Catholic commentary on the compatibility of faith and evolutionary theories, there is no definitive written source to which people can refer to learn the church's position, he said."

Sounds like a blueprint for anarchy!

Revisiting Luther's Outrageous Statements on Being a "Prophet"

Recently I spent some time with this Luther snippet:

I say not that I am a prophet, but I do say that the more they despise me and esteem themselves, the more reason they have to fear that I may be a prophet . . . If I am not a prophet, yet for my own self I am certain that the Word of God is with me and not with them, for I have the Scriptures on my side, and they have only their own doctrine. This gives me courage, so that the more they despise and persecute me, the less I fear them. (An Argument in Defense of All the Articles of Dr. Martin Luther Wrongly Condemned in the Roman Bull, 1521; from: Works of Martin Luther [PE], Vol. III, 12-14; translated by C. M. Jacobs)

The person who posted this quote put up another quote of similar content, cited with a similar reference. As part of my general practice, not only do I try to read quotes like this in context, I also try to determine where the particular extract came from. That is, which secondary source is being used? Many Catholics who frequent discussion boards haven't actually read Luther, they typically are doing a cut-and-paste from a website of secondary citations. I had my suspicions about where the above quote (and the others being posted) came from. I asked,

I'm about 99.9% sure you're getting the Luther material in this discussion thread from a secondary source, rather than actually reading Luther's treatises and extracting these type of quotes. I'm about 99.5% sure it's the work of a particular Romanist apologist, based on the method of bibliographic citation, and that the quotes are from the PE set (a set currently on my desk). To save me some time, could you please give me either the link to his material you're using, or if it's one of his books, let me know which one? If I'm wrong about it being an this Romanist's extract, my apologies. If it's another Catholic source, I'd be very interested in seeing who's quoting PE, rather than the Concordia set.

The response:

You are correct, it was from his book on Luther. Maybe if I had taken the quote from my 34 page Word version of "An Argument -....." we could have avoided this obligatory "source" discussion. In fact though, if you need any portion of "An Argument -", just let me know and I will post it.

In the context of the quote, Luther argues at times in church history, the one stands against the many. To get an overview of the context and what Luther was saying, see my earlier entry. It's enough though, for the sake of this entry, to keep "the one stands against the many" in mind.

The Romanist source gives a broader context for the above snippet in his book. One should be able to make out Luther's argument, more-or-less from his citation. The Romanist source though isn't providing this quote to explain Luther's argument in context. Rather, he utilizes it to prove the following: Martin Luther’s Extraordinary (and Arbitrary) Claims Regarding His Own Authority. The quote is put forth to help demonstrate:

"The early Protestants (quintessentially with Martin Luther himself) were claiming infallibility (in a sense that will be explained as I proceed) in far more sweeping and revolutionary terms than any pope ever did."

"Luther’s “certain” claims are in fact (however he or his followers may characterize them) far more “infallibilist” than any Catholic claims."

"Protestants changed the rule of faith to sola Scriptura and private judgment, with the corollaries of perspicuity of Scripture and the primacy of the individual conscience over ecclesiastical binding authority, which meant that the highest authority was Scripture as interpreted by the individual -- hopefully illumined by the Holy Spirit, but still the primacy of the individual over against ecclesial bodies, when push comes to shove."

"Martin Luther didn't need trifles as insignificant as the decree of an ecumenical council to justify himself. He simply assumed his prophetic call and proceeded on, undaunted by precedent and Church authority alike, if it went against his "judgment," which, of course, also was "God’s" and not his own.

"...[Luther] considered himself some sort of infallible, unquestionable theological / spiritual guide or authority."

So with these qualifiers, Luther's actual point gets buried by the Romanist's polemical context. It's no wonder the guy on the discussion board missed Luther's point.

What's interesting to me is that many Roman Catholics will admit that Luther made some very accurate and good points about the state of the Church and the abuses present. They may even admit that Luther stood alone, and was mistreated by the papacy in the indulgence controversy. Many will admit that Rome eventually worked toward fixing some of the abuses at Trent. In other words, Luther's argument that sometimes the one stands against the many is valid, even to an extent, from a Roman Catholic perspective, in the case of Luther. The Romanist himself states in his book,

"Many things could have been different if Catholics had acted against various corruptions sooner. No one disputes that. Of course the Catholic Church needed to be reformed in the 16th century."

"The Catholic Church had its own reform shortly afterwards, in the form of the Council of Trent."

"Some, even many aspects of the Protestant Revolt were indeed on the right track..."

"Even the doctrine of indulgences (that had become corrupt and was later reformed by the Catholic Church)..."

"It is also said that Luther’s case against indulgences was clear-cut and unambiguous: that the Catholic Church was in the wrong, through and through. There were indeed abuses, and the Church dealt strongly with them -- to that extent we might be grateful to Luther as a 'precipitating cause.'"

But of course, there were many more factors at play. It may have begun with indulgences, but Luther went further. Recall, previous to Trent, there was not an official Roman definition of justification. There was no complete dogma on the indulgence when Luther posted the 95 Theses. There was no official doctrine as to the effect of the indulgence upon Purgatory. Rather than the allowed debate and dialog, Rome attacked with all its might. Sure, Rome tried a little bit, but it was much easier to simply declare him a heretic. The Romanist claims Rome had "ecclesiastical binding authority"- yet, unless he can produce the infallible standards by which Luther was to abide by, particularly for the doctrines previously mentioned, he's engaging in anachronism.

Yes, it's true, Luther appealed to the Scriptures as the only infallible authority to be trusted. But even in the document the Romanist pulled the quote from, Luther appeals to Cyprian, Jerome, Lombard's Sentences, a hymn from Aquinas, to name just a few. He argues from both Scripture and Church history- mentioning earlier heretical movements like the Donatists, and more recent controversial persons like Jan Hus. Of course, for Luther, Scripture is the infallible authority, church fathers are not. This doesn't mean though that history isn't important.

Some of you may think checking secondary citations isn't important, but if this person on the discussion board had first read the context in the Luther treatise the citation was pulled from, perhaps he wouldn't have used it. Luther was using the term "prophet" in a particular way, making a particular argument. He wasn't claiming to be receiving extra-biblical revelation, or predicting the future. He wasn't claiming to be an infallible source of revelation, nor was he appealing to some sort of subjectivist set of feelings. He was stating that at times in the history of the church, the one stands against the many. That's why Luther includes not only Old Testament prophets in his argument, but Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine.

From reading the Luther-snippet, you'd never know that the quote is part of a fairly simple opening argument. Then, throughout the treatise this quote comes from, Luther appealed to the Bible to prove his case. He also appealed (to a lesser extent) to historical personages and events within the history of the church. All of these were put forth as evidence to be evaluated by the reader, be they Roman Catholic or Protestant. The arguments weren't "right" because Luther said so, they were "right" if one followed his carefully laid out argumentation, and checked his facts.

Ironically, many Catholic apologists do the same thing in their books. One is to read them, and evaluate the argumentation. Some of their books don't even have Rome's official stamp of approval. They often appeal to Scripture as an infallible authority on verses that have not been dogmatically defined by Rome. Do we then argue against them as they do us, that they are appealing to their own subjective opinions of the Bible? Well, in terms of pointing out the double standard, yes. But to apply a correct standard, one should evaluate their Biblical argumentation exegetically. This was what Luther was asking for of his Catholic contemporaries. To simply dismiss his writing as claims of infallibility, or putting forth the primacy of the individual conscience is missing not only the context of this quote, but the entire Reformation as well.

Auction for AOMin.org

I put together a fund raising auction for aomin.org where you can bid on the items pictured above. You can find all the details here: http://hereiblog.com/2008/09/15/fundraising-auction-for-aominorg/

Mark

Reviewing The Shack

A friend from church wrote a brief review of The Shack that touches on some key points as to why we should be cautious about this book. Or maybe even disregard it all together. He gave me permission to share this review.

I also want to note that you audio review by Michael Youseff called Uncovering The Shack.

SHACK ATTACK - OR A CALL TO DISCERNMENT?
"Discernment is not simply a matter of telling the difference between what is right and wrong; rather it is the difference between right and almost right." -Charles Spurgeon



At the encouragement of friends, I recently read The Shack by William P. Young. A national bestseller widely embraced by some churches and many professing Christians, The Shack is a work of fiction that embodies lengthy conversations between the main character, a man named Mack, and three persons who represent a version of the Trinity.

Frankly, I was dismayed at many messages conveyed by The Shack and have been surprised that many of my Christian friends have read the book uncritically, finding it a charming and heart-warming story. Some say that it is unfair to have theological expectations since the book is fiction. However, The Shack is marketed as a spiritually transforming book, and it being received that way by many.

It seems to me that a more critical reading is required of The Shack than a secular work of fiction because the author creates characters that purport to speak as God and to guide Mack on his spiritual journey. The fictional story becomes a device to have characters representing the Godhead explain a particular theology. As believers, our spiritual antennas should be fully deployed when we approach such a book.

In The Shack, God the Father appears to Mack as a large, jovial black woman whom Mack calls “Papa.” The Holy Spirit appears as a small Asian woman, and Jesus appears as a Jewish man. Putting aside gender confusion and the attempt to give human form and voice to the Father and Holy Spirit (“no man hath seen God at any time,” John 1:8), it is critical for the Christian reader to carefully consider the message author Young has those voices bring and to weigh their message in the light of the clear teaching of the Bible. That is to exercise discernment, a requirement – not an option – for Christians.

When we read The Shack with discernment, I submit that we find many distortions and untruths. Consider just a few of the words Young puts in the mouths of his created Trinity (my comments are within the parentheses):

Papa to Mack: “We [the Trinity] have limited ourselves out of respect for you.” (Isn’t this Open Theism – God choosing to limit Himself?)

Jesus: “God, who is the ground of all being, dwells in, around, and through all things . . .” (Isn’t this Pantheism – God in all things?)

Sarayu (Young’s Sanscrit name for the Holy Spirit): “We [the Trinity] carefully respect your choices, so we work within your systems even while we seek to free you from them.” (“Neither are your ways my ways . . . my ways are higher than your ways.” Isaiah 55:8-9. Does God respect man’s choices, or does His Word demand that we repent of our ways and that we enter His narrow way?)

Sarayu: “Both evil and darkness can only be understood in relation to Light and Good; they do not have any actual existence . . . Light and Good actually exist.” (Really? Does the Bible teach that evil has no actual existence? Was the biblical Jesus aware of that when He conversed with Satan in the desert temptation?)

Papa: “I don’t need to punish people for sin Sin is its own punishment, devouring you from the inside. It is not my purpose to punish it; it’s my joy to cure it.” (Certainly there are consequences of our sin which we realize in this life and which impact other people. And certainly God has provided the cure for sin. That “cure” is the penal substitutionary atonement of Christ on the cross. Most certainly there is punishment for sin. Christ suffered the punishment for us. However, the implication of Papa’s statement is that the only punishment for sin is sin’s own punishment in a person’s life. The Bible is clear that punishment for the unredeemed, those who refuse Christ’s atonement, is the sting of spiritual death and eternal separation from God. The Shack makes light work of the cross.)

Young’s Jesus character states that he, Papa, and Sarayu are “indeed submitted to one another and have always been so and always will be . . . . In fact, we [the Trinity] are submitted to you [Mack] in the same way.” (Why, then, did the biblical Jesus submit Himself to the will of His father? Does the Bible teach submission to authority in spiritual and family and secular environments? What do you make of the claim that the Trinity is submitted to us? I believe that Young’s anti-authoritarianism is risky in human terms and that it is blasphemous to attribute such egalitarian sentiments to God.)

When requested by Papa to forgive the murderer of his young daughter, Mack balks. Papa says, “Mack, for you to forgive this man is for you to release him to me and allow me to redeem him.” (So God can only redeem those whom humans have forgiven and have released to God for redemption? The effectiveness of redemption for the unrepentant murderer is to be accomplished with Mack’s participation? Find biblical support for that, my friends!)

Christian, what about this assertion by the Jesus of The Shack? “I am the best way any human can relate to Papa or Sarayu.” (This is a false Jesus. The Jesus Christ of the Bible does not say that He is the best way, He says, “I am the way, and the truth, and the life. No one comes to the Father but by me.” John 14:16. He is not the best way – He is the only way.)

The Shack evidences a low regard for Scripture. When Mack mentions biblical events or concepts, Papa brushes them off and glibly explains how it really is, thus suggesting that the Bible is the work of man, not the divinely inspired work of God. Yet, some argue that The Shack has value in that it demonstrates a loving God of grace who invites man to a relationship. But it does so with grievous distortions about the nature of God, the nature of the Trinity, the authority of God’s Word, God’s hatred of sin, the requirement of repentance, and the nature of conversion and salvation.

My brothers and sisters, even in reading and discussing a work of fiction, we must be prepared to “contend earnestly for the faith which was once for all delivered to the saints” (Jude 3), and to do so without apology to the world. The Shack may, from its human author’s viewpoint, be in all sincerity intended as an inviting look at a highly relational God, but would you place even a drop of poison in pure water and invite others to drink? As Dr. Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, said, The Shack “contains undiluted heresy.” Don’t you and I have a responsibility to be equipped to recognize heresy and to shine the light of truth so that we and others are not deceived?

- Wayne Elliott

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p.s. I responded to several of the comments to this review supporting The Shack. The Shack Is Only Fiction?