Showing posts with label Preserved Smith. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Preserved Smith. Show all posts

Thursday, June 13, 2019

Luther's High Regard for John Calvin?

What did Martin Luther think of John Calvin? Here's a curious comment from the Table Talk in which Luther appears to consider Calvin highly:
NOT all are able to bear tribulations alike; for, if an human creature were merely flesh without bones, then the body would fall into a lump, or bunch; the bones and sinews do keep up the flesh, etc. Even so it is in the Christian congregation. some must be able to bear a blow of the devil; as we three, Philip Melanchthon, John Calvin, and myself; therefore we pray continually in the church ; for it is prayer that must do the deed.
Now that's quite a compliment! Or is it? Maybe not. The original sources say something different.

Documentation
It bears repeating that the Table Talk is not actually something Luther wrote. It's a collection of second hand comments written down by Luther's friends and students published after his death. It often falls on deaf ears when I point out to detractors that Luther didn't write the Table Talk. Since the statements contained therein are purported to have been made by Luther, they should serve more as corroborating second-hand testimony to something Luther is certain to have written. The Table Talk, therefore, contains something Luther may have said, but not necessarily

This particular comment comes from the oldest English edition of the Table Talk:


Here's where it becomes tedious and tricky, but necessary, to understand Luther's alleged mention of John Calvin in this utterance. This version of the Table Talk was translated from German into English by Captain Henry Bell (1652): Dris Martini Lutheri Colloquia Mensalia: Or, Dr Martin Luther's Divine Discourses at His Table, etc. This English version of Luther's second-hand comments begins with a strange (and at times seemingly fictional) tale of how Captain Bell came across the Table Talk (found here). The saga begins with the destruction of Luther's Table Talk due to persecution from the Papacy and Empire, but one copy managed to be hidden away, fortunately discovered before being destroyed. In a flowery tale, Bell describes why and how he translated it¾ at the prompting of an angelic vision ¾ along with the perils of getting it published. Preserved Smith's critical study of Luther's Table Talk refers to Bell's account as "such a tissue of mistakes and improbabilities that it is hardly worth serious criticism,and also, "The whole thing has the air of being invented to heighten the interest of the translation." On the other hand, Gordon Rupp scrutinized Bell's story in his book, The Righteousness of God (New York: The Philosophical Library, Inc., 1953), pp. 56- 77, and deems aspects of Bell's story plausible. Even if the background story has elements of fiction, this does not necessarily deem Bell's work inferior or suspect (that will be discussed below). The book is an actual translation of Luther's Table Talk and has served the English speaking world for hundreds of years, particularly in its revision by William Hazlitt..

When the German text of the Table Talk is consulted for the quote under scrutiny, here is what appears:


One doesn't need to know German is to see that the name "John Calvin" does not appear in the text. Rather, the text says "ich, Philippus Melanchthon und Doctor Pommer." Was "Doctor Pommer" simply another way of referring to John Calvin. No. "Doctor Pommer" refers to Luther's associate, Johannes Bugenhagen (1485–1558), of Pomerania, whom Luther dubbed, " Doctor Pomeranus."

Conclusion
Luther was not referring to John Calvin in this Table Talk quote. Why did Captain Bell insert Calvin's name?  According to Rupp, Bell may have have made changes to the German text when translating into English to appease the Parliamentary committee that examined the translation. I've documented one of these changes before: Bell's translation has Luther admitting his error of the real presence in the Lord's Supper! Note these words from the Report of the Committee of the House of Commons in Bell's edition:



I suspect Bell's insertion of Calvin's name was similar to doctoring Luther's theology on the Lord's Supper.     

Addendum #1
Some years back I put together Luther and Calvin... Friends or Enemies? There isn't much in the record in regard to Luther's view of Calvin. In the entry I present the sparse few mentions of Calvin in Luther's writings.

Addendum #2
The Table Talk utterance under scrutiny can be found in WATR 3:36, and was not included in LW 54. Hazlitt though included an English revision.

Saturday, December 24, 2016

Luther Acknowledged His Errors on the Real Presence in the Lord's Supper?

Here are two quotes attributed to Luther about Christ's not being present in the Sacraments.

The first is more indirect. Luther purportedly said in the Lord's Supper the body and blood of Christ are received by faith (in other words, not literally):

 Of the Cause of the Sacrament.
THE operative cause of this sacrament, is the Word and institution of Christ, who ordained it. The substance is bread and wine; they prefigure the true body and blood of Christ, which is spiritually received by faith; the final cause of instituting the same, is the benefit and the fruit, the strengthening of our faith, not doubting that Christ's body and blood was given and shed for us, and that our sins by Christ's death certainly are forgiven. Now these graces and benefits we have obtained, in that he is our Saviour, our Redeemer and Deliverer; For though in Adam we are altogether sinners and guilty of everlasting death, and condemned; but now, by the blood of Christ, we are justified, redeemed, and sanctified; therefore let us take hold of this by faith.
Along with this, the second quote (from the same source) Luther is recorded as saying the pope forces people to believe in the real presence:
Of the Pope's Proceeding touching the Sacrament.
THE Pope denieth not the sacrament, but he hath stolen from the laity the one part or kind thereof; neither doth he teach the true use of the sacrament. The Pope rejecteth not the Bible, but he persecuteth and killeth upright, good, and godly teachers. Like as the Jews persecuted and slew the Prophets that truly expounded and taught the Scriptures. The Pope Well permitteth the substance and essence of the sacrament and Bible to remain: but yet he will compel and force us to use the same according to his will and pleasure, and will constrain us to believe the falsely feigned and invented Transubstantiation and the real presence. The Pope doth nothing else, but perverteth and abuseth all that God hath commanded and ordained.
Besides my Lutheran readers howling "no way!", what's going on here? Did Luther contradict his well-established view of the real presence of Christ in the sacrament? We'll see below these quotes may have been the result of one man's efforts in the seventeenth century to get a book of Luther's published in England. He appears to have added a few words to the text in order to appease the powers that be. The following is a representation of the research of Gordon Rupp from his book, The Righteousness of God (New York: The Philosophical Library, Inc., 1953), p. 76.

Documentation
Both of these quotes come from the Table Talk. Luther didn't write the Table Talk. It is a collection of second-hand comments written down by Luther's friends and students, published after his death. For these two quotes in the form they are in presented above, they come from the earliest English edition of Luther's Table Talk translated by Captain Henry Bell in 1652: Dris Martini Lutheri Colloquia Mensalia: Or, Dr Martin Luther's Divine Discourses at His Table, etc. The account of how Bell came across Luther's German Table Talk and had it translated into English can be found here.  It is a fantastical story, almost sounding made-up. Preserved Smith's critical study of Luther's Table Talk refers to Bell's account as "such a tissue of mistakes and improbabilities that it is hardly worth serious criticism," and also, "The whole thing has the air of being invented to heighten the interest of the translation." On the contrary though, Gordon Rupp sifted through the details of Bell's story and deems it a plausible account (See Rupp. pp. 56-77).

The Luther quotes occur on page 263 of Bell's translation:


Captain Bell translated these quotes from Aurifaber's edition of the Table Talk, but, as Rupp point out, "Bell's edition corresponds to known edition of Aurifaber" (Rupp, 75). Rupp compares what Bell translated against Aurifaber's 1566 edition (published in Eisleben). The quotes above can be found in German on page 232 of the 1566 Eisleben edition:


A later version of this German  text can be found here (p. 305 for the first quote, p. 306 for the second) The first quote can also be found in WA TR 3:281, including a Latin version, 3354b (p. 280-281). The Latin version is attributed to being recorded by Conrad Cordatus. The second quote can be found in WA TR 3:203.

 Of these texts, note Rupp's analysis on page 76. He mentions that the quote had English words inserted in that are not to be found in the German text of  Aurifaber:
But the most interesting section is the drastic abridgment by Bell of the long section in the original on "Vom Sacrament des Waren Leibs und Blutes Christi," now translated as "Of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper." It will have been noted that the Parliamentary committee which examined Bell's book specially noted that in it Luther had acknowledged "his error which he formerly held touching the real presence corporaliter in coena domini." 
Luther, of course, never did anything of the kind, and as far as I know there is no German edition of the Table Talk in which he makes any such dramatic retraction. It is obvious that this was the price paid by Bell to get his book authorized and published. The two alterations will be found in Bell's edition of Luther's "Divine Discourses" (1652), p.263: 
"Of the cause of the Sacrament of the Altar. 'The operative cause... of this Sacrament is the Word and Institution of Christ who ordained and erected it. The substance is bread and wine, the form is the true body and blood of Christ which is spiritually received by faith."(1)
That could conceivably hold the Lutheran interpretation. The next is more explicit: 
"The Pope well permitteth the substance and essence of The Sacrament and Bible to remain: but yet he will compel and force us to use the same according as his will and pleasure is to describe it, and will constrain us to believe the falsely feigned and invented transubstantiation, and the real presence corporaliter." (2) 
1.TR. (1566) Dieses Sacraments, sprach Dr. Martinus Luther, Ursach ist Das Wort und Einsetzung Christi der es gestifftet und aufgerichtet hat. Die Materia ist Brot und Wein, die Form ist der Ware Leib und Blut Christi, die endliche ursach warurmb es eingesetzt ist der Nutz und Frucht das wir unsern Glauben starcken. 232. 
2. TR. (1566). Was die Substanz und das Wesen belanget, so lasst der Bapst die Sacramente und Bibel bleiben, allein will er uns zwingen das wir derselben Brauch sollen wie er will und zuschreibet. 232.
The sentence about transubstantiation and the real presence has no place in the original. 
Conclusion 
Lest anyone get lost in the details, Rupp is pointing out that in the first quote, the phrase "which is spiritually received by faith" has been inserted into the English text. In the second quote, "and will constrain us to believe the falsely feigned and invented transubstantiation, and the real presence corporaliter" has been inserted into the text. These same insertions were picked up in later English editions of the Table Talk:

Martin Luther's Colloquia Mensalia Vol. 1 (1840), p. 382-383.

The Table Talk or Familiar Discourses... (Hazlitt) (1848), p. 168, 203.

That there was an attempt by Bell to appease the powers that be has corroborating evidence in the prefatory material to Bell's translation. Note these words from the Report of the Committee of the House of Commons in Bell's edition (also mentioned by Preserved Smith):



Saturday, September 13, 2014

Could Luther Be Convinced the Lord's Supper Was Just Bread and Wine?

Here's an interesting comparison of two English translations of a section from an open letter Luther wrote to the Christians at Strassburg (Dec. 1524). The letter was primarily about Luther ex-colleague Karlstadt and his radical theology. Note the difference in the second translation. Luther's words are far more revealing- in which Luther was tempted to think of the Sacrament as "but mere bread and wine."

Luther's Works vol. 40 states:
I confess that if Dr. Karlstadt, or anyone else, could have convinced me five years ago that only bread and wine were in the sacrament he would have done me a great service. At that time I suffered such severe conflicts and inner strife and torment that I would gladly have been delivered from them. I realized that at this point I could best resist the papacy. There were two who then wrote me, with much more skill than Dr. Karlstadt has, and who did not torture the Word with their own preconceived notions. But I am a captive and cannot free myself. The text is too powerfully present, and will not allow itself to be torn from its meaning by mere verbiage. Even if someone in these days might try more persuasively to prove that only bread and wine are present, it would not be necessary that he attack me in bitter spirit—which I, unfortunately, am altogether inclined to do, if I assess the nature of the old Adam in me correctly. But the way Dr. Karlstadt carries on in this question affects me so little that my position is only fortified the more by him. [LW 40:68]

Now compare this translation to that to this done by Preserved Smith in Luther's Correspondence and Other Contemporary letters vol. 2:

I freely confess that if Carlstadt or any other could have convinced me five years ago that there was nothing in the sacrament but mere bread and wine, he would have done me a great service. I was sorely tempted on this point, and wrestled with myself and strove to believe that it was so, for I saw that I could thereby give the hardest rap to the papacy. I read treatises by two men who wrote more ably in defence of the theory than Dr. Carlstadt and who did not so torture the Word to their own imagination. But I am bound, I cannot believe as they do; the text is too powerful and will not let itself be wrenched from the plain sense by argument. But even if it could happen that today anyone should prove on reasonable grounds that the sacrament was mere bread and wine, he would not much anger me. (Alas, I am too much inclined that way myself when I feel the old Adam!) But Dr. Carlstadt's ranting only confirms me in the opposite belief.
Luther's Works 40 relies on WA 15, 391-397 for their translation. The translation was done by Conrad Bergendoff. The quote can be found on page 394.  Smith cites Enders v, 83; DeWette, ii, 574, German. As far as I can tell,  WA 15 and DeWette ii are the same German text.

The LW 40 version doesn't flow in a coherent way.  One odd thing I found was that if one compares the two translations up to the point in question, they compliment each other nicely.  They both say basically the same thing. Then, at the point in question comes two different sets of train tracks:


LW: I confess that if Dr. Karlstadt, or anyone else, could have convinced me five years ago that only bread and wine were in the sacrament he would have done me a great service.

Smith: I freely confess that if Carlstadt or any other could have convinced me five years ago that there was nothing in the sacrament but mere bread and wine, he would have done me a great service

LW: At that time I suffered such severe conflicts and inner strife and torment that I would gladly have been delivered from them.

Smith: I was sorely tempted on this point, and wrestled with myself and strove to believe that it was so

LW: I realized that at this point I could best resist the papacy.

Smith: for I saw that I could thereby give the hardest rap to the papacy.

LW: There were two who then wrote me, with much more skill than Dr. Karlstadt has, and who did not torture the Word with their own preconceived notions.

Smith: I read treatises by two men who wrote more ably in defense of the theory than Dr. Carlstadt and who did not so torture the Word to their own imagination.

LW: But I am a captive and cannot free myself. The text is too powerfully present, and will not allow itself to be torn from its meaning by mere verbiage.

Smith: But I am bound, I cannot believe as they do; the text is too powerful and will not let Itself be wrenched from the plain sense by argument

LW: Even if someone in these days might try more persuasively to prove that only bread and wine are present, it would not be necessary that he attack me in bitter spirit—which I, unfortunately, am altogether inclined to do, if I assess the nature of the old Adam in me correctly.

Smith: But even if it could happen that today anyone should prove on reasonable grounds that the sacrament was mere bread and wine, he would not much anger me. (Alas, I am too much inclined that way myself when I feel the old Adam!)

LW: But the way Dr. Karlstadt carries on in this question affects me so little that my position is only fortified the more by him. 

Smith: But Carlstadt's ranting only confirms me in the opposite belief 

LW: If I had not previously been of this opinion, such loose, lame, empty talk, set forth on the basis of his own reason and idiosyncrasy without scriptural foundation, would lead me to believe first of all that his opinions amount to nothing. 

Smith: if I had no opinion on the subject to start with, his light, unstable buffoonery, without any appeal to Scripture, would give my reason a prejudice against whatever he urged.


I'm not into conspiracies, but, Smith's translation makes a lot more sense. Obviously, Luther consistently held that the sacrament was the body and blood of Christ, so no, Luther could not be convinced otherwise. I do find it interesting that if Smith's translation is more accurate, this would be one of the first significant examples I've found that a translator of LW took liberties with a text to downplay what it was actually saying.


Addendum
For an interesting look  at the significance of the life and work of Conrad  Bergendoff, see this long pdf file that reminisces over his long career. A short bio page mentions he "was above all an ecumenicist." Now, I don't know his opinion on Rome, but I did find this other omission interesting- that he left out "Antichrist" which is clearly in the German text, and it's not too far of a stretch that Luther meant the papacy:

Smith: Dearest brethren, I greatly rejoice and thank God the Father of all mercy for His rich grace in calling you to His wonderful light and to the fellowship of His Son Jesus Christ For now through His wholesome Word you know Him and joyously call Him Father Who has freed us from the horrible darkness of the Antichrist and from the iron furnace of Egyptian sin and death and has led us into a large, safe, free, good and promised land.

LW 40(Bergendoff):Dear sirs and brethren. I greatly rejoice and thank God the Father of mercy for the riches of his grace bestowed upon you, in that he has called you into his wonderful light and let you come into the participation of all the treasures of his Son, Jesus Christ. Now through his salutary Word you can recognize and acknowledge with joyful hearts the true Father, who has redeemed us from the iron furnace of Egyptian sin and death and brought us into the broad, secure, free and veritable Promised Land.

Wednesday, February 24, 2010

Luther: All is forgotten that God has done for the world through me

Here's another obscure Luther quote typically used by Rome's defenders:
All is forgotten that God has done for the world through me... now lords, priests, and peasants are all against me, and threaten my death. (in Durant, ibid., 393. From June 15, 1525)
From various web-pages, I've come across Rome's defenders using this quote two different ways. First, it was used as an example of "The Agony of Luther" over "the State of Early Protestantism." Second, it serves as an example of "The Unpopularity of Luther and Other Protestant Revolutionaries." There are other uses of this quote as well, typically referenced when describing Luther's role in the Peasants War: Erik Erikson's Young Man Luther brings it up (p. 236-237), as does McGiffert's Martin Luther: The Man and His Work (p. 280). 

Documentation
The quote from "June 15, 1525" is said to come from Will Durant's volume on The Reformation, page 393:
The Reformation itself almost perished in the Peasants' War. Despite Luther's disclaimers and denunciations, the rebellion had flaunted Protestant colors and ideas: economic aspirations were dressed in phrases that Luther had sanctified; communism was to be merely a return to the Gospel. Charles V interpreted the uprising as "a Lutheran movement." Conservatives classed the expropriation of ecclesiastical property by Protestants as revolutionary actions on a par with the sacking of monasteries by peasants. In the south the frightened princes and lords renewed their fealty to the Roman Church. In several places, as at Bamberg and Wurzburg, men even of the propertied class were executed for having accepted Lutheranism . The peasants themselves turned against the Reformation as a lure and a betrayal; some called Luther Dr. Lugner—"Dr. Liar" —and "toady of the princes." For years after the revolt he was so unpopular that he seldom dared leave Wittenberg, even to attend his father's deathbed (1530). "All is forgotten that God has done for the world through me," he wrote (June 15, 1525); "now lords, priests, and peasants are all against me, and threaten my death."
Durant cites "Smith, Luther, 164." He most likely means Preserved Smith, but his Bibliography doesn't list any books entitled "Luther" by that author (see Durant, 951). Smith's The Life and Letters of Martin Luther contains the quote in question on page 165, so perhaps Durant was using a different edition. Smith states:
Thus also, in a note inviting John Ruhel to his wedding feast, the Reformer says (June 15, 1526): "What an outcry of Harrow has been caused by my pamphlet against the peasants. All is now forgotten that God has done for the world through me. Now lords, priests, and peasants are all against me and threaten my death." Ruhel accepted the invitation and brought with him a letter from the Chancellor Caspar Muller suggesting that the Reformer should defend himself against the attacks made upon him.
Smith made an error above with the date, Luther was married in 1525, not 1526. Smith cites the same quote (with the correct date) in his book, Luther's Correspondence and Other Contemporary Letters, Volume 2, page 323.  Smith also gives documentation: "De Wette, iii, 1. German." This is a reference to a collection of Luther's letters. The page from De Wette can be found here.  The pertinent text reads:


This letter was not included in the English Luther's Works.  However, Preserved Smith does provided an English translation in Luther's Correspondence and Other Contemporary Letters, Volume 2, page 323.


Context
690. LUTHER TO JOHN RUHEL, JOHN THUR AND CASPAR MULLER AT MANSFELD.
DeWette, iii, 1. German.
Wittenberg, June 15, 1525.
Grace and peace in Christ. What an outcry of Harrow, my dear sirs, has been caused by my pamphlet against the peasants!' All is now forgotten that God has done for the world through me. Now lords, parsons and peasants are all against me and threaten my death. Well, since they are so silly and foolish, I shall take care that at my end I shall be found in the state for which God created me with nothing of my previous papal life about me. I shall do my part even if they act still more foolishly up to the last farewell. So now, according to the wish of my dear father, I have married. I did it quickly lest those praters should stop it. Tuesday week, June 27, it is my intention to have a little celebration and house warming, to which I beg that you will come and give your blessings. The land is in such a state that I hardly dare ask you to undertake the journey; however, if you can do so, pray come, along with my dear father and mother, for it would be a special pleasure to me. Bring any friends. If possible let me know beforehand, though I do not ask this if inconvenient. I should have written my gracious lords Counts Gebhard and Albert of Mansfeld, but did not risk it, knowing that their Graces have other things to attend to. Please let me know if you think I ought to invite them. God bless you. Amen. Martin Luther.
Alternate English translation:
To Ruhel and two other Mansfeld councilors he wrote: What an outcry, dear sirs, I have caused with my book against the peasants! All is forgotten that God has done for the world through me. Lords, priests, peasants, and everybody else are now against me, and threaten me with death. Well and good, since they are so mad and foolish, I have determined before my death to be found in the state ordained of God, and so far as I can to rid myself entirely of my former popish life, and make them still madder and more foolish, all for a parting gift. For I have a presentiment that God will one day give me His grace. So, at my dear father's desire, I have now married, and have done it in haste that I might not be hindered by these talkers. A week from Tuesday I purpose giving a small party, which I want you as good friends to know about, and I beg you will add your blessing. Because the country is in such a turmoil, I do not venture to urge you to be present. But if you can and will kindly come of your own accord with my dear father and mother, you may imagine it will give me special pleasure. I shall also be delighted in my poverty to see any good friends you may bring with you, only asking you to let me know by this messenger [Arthur Cushman McGiffert, Martin Luther: The Man and His Work (Century Company, 1911), p. 280].

Conclusion
The letter was written during the peasants revolt and around the time of Luther's wedding. Ruhel was a councilor of Count Albrect of Mansfield, and in fact, this was one of the territories in which the peasants revolt was festering. Luther had earlier written to Ruhel and encouraged Albrecht to use all force needed to suppress the peasants.

The outrage against Luther was due to the recent printing of his book Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of Peasants. It's uncertain of the exact date that Luther wrote this book, but it was probably only a month or so before this letter. The date of publication is also uncertain. The LW editors say "it was certainly before the middle of May" (LW 46:48). Luther intended this book to be published together with his treatise, Admonition to Peace. The former was directed to the bad peasants, the later the good peasants. Publishers though split the book, publishing Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of Peasants separately.

It's interesting how quickly Luther's book was disseminated into society. People indeed read Luther's words quickly upon publication. Mark U. Edwards documents that on May 26, Ruhel had written to Luther giving the details of the capture of Muntzer (a radical leader of the peasants). In his closing remarks, he makes this comment to Luther about the impact of his book:
Be it as it may, it seems strange to many of your supporters that you have given permission to the tyrants to strangle [the peasants] without mercy, thereby possibly making martyrs out of them. And they say publicly in Leipzig that since the Elector [Frederick the Wise] has died, you fear for your skin and play the hypocrite to Duke George by approving of what he is doing. [Luther and the False Brethren, (California: Stanford University Press, 1975, p. 69].
Luther's reply:
That the people call me a hypocrite is good; I am glad to hear it; do not let it surprise you. For some years now you have been hearing me berated for many things, but in the course of time all these things have come to nothing and worse than nothing. I should need much leather to muzzle all the mouths. It is enough that my conscience is clear before God; He will judge what I have said and written; things will go as I have said, there is no help for it  [Luther and the False Brethren, (California: Stanford University Press, 1975, p. 69].
Luther eventually did respond to these charges in a Pentecost sermon on June 4. He took nothing back from what he had written. Rebels causing societal and violent unrest were not to be tolerated. On June 20, he wrote to another friend:

693. LUTHER TO WENZEL LINK AT ALTENBURG. Enders, v, 200. Wittenberg, June 20, 1525.
Grace and peace. I know that my book gives great offence to the peasants and the friends of the peasants, and that is a real joy to me, for if it gave them no offence it would give me great offence. Those who condemn this book are merely showing what it is that they have hitherto sought in the Gospel. But I am surprised that some of the knowing ones do not apply the whole book to themselves, for it shows very clearly who the peasants are and who the magistrates are of whom it speaks. But he that will not understand, let him not understand; he that will not know, let him be ignorant ; it is enough that my conscience pleases Christ. For the apothecary. I have tried hard to do all I could. [Smith, Luther's Correspondence and Other Contemporary Letters, Volume 2, p.327-328].
The quote in question does prove one thing: Luther's treatise Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of Peasants drew criticism from his enemies as well as his supporters. Does Luther's comment though demonstrate his "agony" over "the state of early Protestantism"? Not in the least. In fact, Luther decided he hadn't said enough, and went on to write An Open Letter on the Harsh Book Against the Peasants in which he attacked his critics. Does this quote prove "the unpopularity of Luther and other Protestant revolutionaries"? Not at all. Luther's books continued to be popular, and he remained an integral respected figure for many years.

Addendum (2016)
This blog entry is a revision of an entry I posted back in 2010. The original can be found here. Because so many sources are now available online, I'm revising older entries by adding additional materials and commentary, and also fixing or deleting dead hyperlinks. Nothing of any significant substance has changed in this entry from that presented in the former.

Tuesday, June 06, 2006

Using Psychohistory To Interpret Luther (A Response To Catholic Apologist Art Sippo (part 3)

This is a continuation of look at Catholic apologist Art Sippo’s take on Luther scholarship. Previous entries can be found here:

On Dialoging With Catholic apologist Art Sippo on Luther Scholarship

Catholic Apologist Art Sippo on Father O’Hare’s “Facts About Luther”

Catholic Apologist Art Sippo on Luther Scholarship and Research (Part 1)

Art Sippo on Catholic Historians Grisar and Denifle and Luther’s Demon Possession (part 2)

Catholic Apologist Art Sippo Takes The Time To Thank Me For My Luther Research

If you've read through any of these links, or visited the battlefield and read through the discussion proper, you've probably realized that Mr. Sippo’s understanding of Luther appears to be strongly based on the psychohistory approach. In other words, history can be understood by applying the science of psychoanalysis to a historical figure. This view holds that history is more than simply “facts”- it is also the result of psychological forces that drive people to do what they do. Those scholars Sippo relies on, and also his own comments about Luther, demonstrate this. Sippo's champions are men like Denifle, Grisar, and Erikson. All used a pyschohistory approach in interpreting Luther.

Note Sippo’s words:

“[Heinrich Denifle] dug into the archives where only scholars had previously gone and he found evidence of Luther's intemperate personality, his intolerance, and his gross logical inconsistency in what he wrote. He also resurrected the complaints of many of Luther's contemporaries about the man's erratic behavior and his excesses. It is Fr. Denifle who brought these things to light and spurred on the more critical portrait of Luther that would emerge in the 20th Century from Fr. Grisar, Preserved Smith, Paul Reiter, Erik Ericsson[sic], Marius, and Rix.”

Sippo says, “It must be noted that psychiatric diagnoses cannot be made with certainty on deceased people. But some folks have left us enough information in their journals, diaries and written output that we can make an intelligent guess as to their state of mind.” One thing Art Sippo doesn’t tell you, is that while men like Denifle, Grisar, Smith, and Erikson used a similar approach in trying to understand Luther, none of them arrive at the same conclusions- or even minimize or maximize similar conclusions. So, even though Luther produced a large corpus of writings to draw analysis from, each of these psychohistorians arrive at different conclusions when digging for pychohistory "facts"[tedium: Sippo says, “The English translation of his works runs to 52 volumes…” Actually, it runs 54 volumes with a 55th volume appendix, and also a 56th supplementary volume by Jaraslov Pelikan on interpreting Luther].

Let’s look at the evidence.

Denifle’s approach has been called “the pansexual interpretation of the Reformation.” According to Denifle, Luther’s psychosis was inherent lust, secret vices, an overpowering sex drive, and an opposition to celibacy. All these were some of Luther’s psychological reasons to abandon the Roman Church in his “attempt” to destroy her. This approach to Luther has been largely abandoned- even Denifle’s close associate, Albert Maria Weiss, O.P., concluded, “Denifle was a historical researcher of the first rank, but as a historical writer Denifle was not the equal of the researcher.” In other words, the case against Luther that Denifle built was not valid. Rarely will anyone find a brave writer willing to defend Denifle’s pansexual approach to Luther. That Mr. Sippo could even recommend his writings leads me to believe he was completely unaware of its abandonment by Catholic historians- unless of course, Sippo himself wants to argue in favor of Denifle’s pansexual approach.

Immediately following Denifle were the works of Hartmann Grisar. Grisar similarly used a psychohistory approach in his volumes on Luther. Did Grisar exclusively use the pansexual approach as did Denifle? No, while he will at times indict Luther’s in similar ways, Grisar basically categorizes Luther neurosis with pathological manic-depressive psychology. Where Denifle wants you to hate Luther as a depraved sex maniac, Grisar wants you to pity him for being a psychopath. Sippo comments that it was Herbert David Rix “who makes the case for Luther's manic-depression problem” in the mid-1980’s. Actually, Grisar made it long before him. Out of all the psychohistory works, Grisar’s books at least have some value in factual content. Generally, Grisar’s “facts” are good- even if his conclusions and insinuations flaw his overall work.

Grisar can indeed be praised for avoiding some of the abusive polemic language that filled Denifle’s work. He also strove to disprove many of the stories about Luther’s personal life that Denifle used to damage the reputation of Luther:

Grisar demolished two major points in the thesis of Denifle. He was not at all disposed to credit the tale of Luther’s moral turpitude. He stated emphatically that ‘the only arguments on which the assertions of great inward corruption could be based, viz. actual texts and facts capable of convincing anyone…simply are not forthcoming’ He admitted that Denifle’s interpretation of ‘concupiscence’ would not bear examination. ‘Nor does the manner in which Luther represents concupiscence prove his inward corruption. He does not make it consist merely in the concupiscence of the flesh.’ He can pay tribute to Luther’s minor virtues, as when he admits that “Of Christian Liberty” “does in fact present his wrong ideas in a mystical garb which appeals strongly to the heart.” [Gordon Rupp, The Righteousness of God (Great Britain: Hodder and Stoughton Publishing, 1953), 25].

Dr. Sippo also mentions Protestant historian Preserved Smith. Smith’s most famous work on Luther is a compilation of his correspondence called, The Life And Letters of Martin Luther. Smith was known as an excellent historian, but as Reformation expert Lewis Spitz once pointed out, in his psychological analysis he was a “very amateurish analyst.” Smith was very interested in Freudian analysis and theory, particularly the role of sex in personal development. In 1913 he published an article called “Luther’s Early Development in the Light of Psychoanalysis” [American Journal of Psychology 24 (1913) 360-77]. Commenting on Luther, Smith says,

Luther is a thoroughly typical example of the neurotic quasi-hysterical sequence of an infantile sex-complex; so much so, indeed, that Sigismund Freud and his school could hardly have found a better example to illustrate the sounder part of their theory than him.” (p.362).

Smith’s Freudian observations show Luther to be a product of an alcoholic parent, a sufferer of the Oedipus complex, was an abused child, struggled with depression, had an infatuation with demonism, and had sexual repression. Smith then interprets these factors as the causes of some of Luther’s central doctrines (like faith alone, the Bondage of the Will, etc).

The most famous of all the psychohistorians writing on Luther is Erik Erikson in his book, Young Man Luther (1958). Erikson used a modified Freudian approach to Luther. He approached religious phenomena with prejudice: recall, Freud argued that religious phenomena are to be understood on the model of the neurotic symptoms of the individual: hence, a materialistic outlook on religion. Freud saw religious concerns within an individual as reflecting something “wrong” in a human. Erickson does the same with his treatment of Luther. Catholics beware: Erikson is no friend of your beliefs, or of anyone with religious beliefs. While Sippo criticizes me (very unjustly) for recommending John Todd and Joseph Lortz, one should ask him why he recommends a book presupposing an atheist worldview.

Erikson felt that since a great body of writing from Luther and his students existed, an evaluation could take place. He analyzed Luther’s writings with Ego Development psychology, which uses a model that posits two important crisis’s in Luther’s life: Identity and integrity crises. These are key to the development of the human personality-

-Identity crises: takes place in the years of adolescence: a young person comes to some independent recognition of himself

-Integrity crises: Begins in more mature years (mid life crises)

Erikson looked at Luther’s relations to his father and mother (even though the source material was very limited). For instance, he quotes Luther’s statement on his dad beating him- Erikson’s conclusion is that since Luther had such a love / hate relationship to his father, he eventually rejected the pope. Erikson also argues that Luther’s father was a drunkard, given to cruelty. In regards to Luther’s mother: Erikson makes much of Luther’s statement that she beat him once for stealing a nut. Erikson concludes Luther dethroned the Virgin Mary due to his hatred of his mother.

In both of these examples, Erikson failed to take into account all the evidence. Luther elsewhere says his father was ‘happy’ when drunk; also in the account of his beating there are other texts that say his father felt quite remorseful for it, and expressed this to Luther. Erikson doesn’t take into account that Luther rejected the devotion to Mary of the medieval church, and also wrote a “sensitive” commentary on Mary’s Magnificat. There really wasn’t a violent rejection of Mary due to his relationship with his mother- if anything, Luther reevaluated Mary’s role as an example of justification by faith alone. Positive statements about Mary are peppered through his writings.

Erikson’s notes three crises in Luther’s life:

-First crises: The thunderstorm in 1505 and joining of monastery. Erikson argues “identity crises”: Luther’s desire to separate himself from his father; his joining the monastery shows Luther’s fear of God and his father motivated him.

-Second crises:(also an identity crises) 1507- Luther in the monastery has a “fit in the choir loft” while Mark 9:17 is being read (the healing of a boy with demon). Luther cries out, “It is not I!” Erikson argues that Luther so identifies with the story of a boy possessed with a demon that he has to scream out to try to establish his non-identity. [Note: Luther never referred to this story: It comes from a Cochlaeus- a Roman Catholic 16th century polemicist who wrote against Luther. Cochlaeus admitted he got this story fourth hand].

Third crises: Luther’s “Tower experience.” Erikson takes a German phrase uttered by Luther and interprets it literally to mean Luther was sitting on the toilet when he has his evangelical breakthrough. Erikson concludes that one can see from a Freudian perspective how Luther’s spiritual issues are tied up with biological functions. [Note: there was no toilet in the tower. The phrase Luther said in German means, “down in the dumps”- it was conventional speech. Luther really was saying that his breakthrough came during a time when he was depressed].

Many reviews of Erikson’s book have been written. There is no agreement among scholars as to whether or not his work on Luther is reliable. To my knowledge, Erikson refused to answer his many critics, in print. Historical scholars are fairly unified that Erikson made poor use of the evidence, simply because Erikson was not a Reformation historian. Erikson made use of both Protestant and Catholic sources. In terms of Catholic sources, he used the work of Heinrich Denifle, and also did not discriminate carefully enough amongst primary sources, secondary sources and hostile sources. In other words, hearsay also functioned as "fact".

But these are some of the sources Art Sippo directs you toward in understanding Luther. Judge for yourself if these men produce a unified, historically verifiable understanding of Luther, or if they’re... guessing. How can someone do psychology on a dead man? One cannot. Thus, the psychohistory method, while interesting, should not be one’s main approach to learning about Martin Luther.

Now, I realize I’m the “enemy” Protestant…you know, that evil snake that’s come to the Envoy forums to trip up Roman Catholics. But, judge for yourself by what I’ve written if I deserve the treatment being doled out by Mr. Sippo. I’ve attempted to substantiate my opinion respectfully. Mr. Sippo has continually hurled invective at me. Wonder why?

I don’t claim to be a Luther “expert”. But, I do claim to pursue the truth. I apply the same scrutiny to Protestant writers as well. Mr. Sippo hurls insults at me because he’s most likely scared people will read my responses seriously, and maybe even read the books I recommend. I don’t claim to be any type of psychologist, but I do wonder why Mr. Sippo writes violently when dialoging with protestants, or discussing the Reformation. I think before I write. I try to do serious historical study. I don’t simply rant and rave and hurl invective. Catholics can hate me for being a Protestant or 'anti catholic" if they want, but at least argue cogently.